New Book: Prout in Power (2017)

Prout in Power: Policy Solutions that Reframe Our Futures

By Sohail Inayatullah

Proutist Bloc India Publications, New Delhi, 2017

 

Created in the late 1950s by the Indian philosopher, mystic, and social activist P.R. Sarkar, Prout or the Progressive Utilization Theory is not only a theory of social change and transformed leadership, but an alternative political-economy; an emergent alternative to capitalism, a vision and comprehensive model of a new future for humanity and the planet. Sarkar’s intent was and is (his organizations continue his work) to create a global spiritual cooperative revolution, a new renaissance. His goal is to infuse individuals with a spiritual presence, the necessary first step in changing the way that we know and order our world.

Divided into six sections – Prout and policy-making; geopolitics; education, social issues, political-economy; and the conclusion – this book moves from theoretical comparisons of Prout and other macro perspectives on the nature of reality to policy and policy-making.

The chapters investigate particular issues facing a nation or institution and articulate alternative futures. Most of the chapters conclude with a discussion of Prout policy implications; some chapters have Prout policy implications built into them. The implications serve as guidelines for the reader. They are not there to close the policy debate but to shift the policy perspective toward Prout. Hopefully in the near future these will become not theoretical implications but real political choices that Prout citizen groups and leaders will make. We imagine that alternative future and begin with the opening up of the realities of today. The way will certainly be very difficult and full of struggles, as Sarkar often reminded us. Humans can always quit, choosing the easier downhill path that moves away from our bliss. For this reason, it is crucial to imagine and feel that the future has already arrived – it is not distant; we are living it today. As Sarkar said: “Even a half hour before your success, you will not know it.”

Length: 260 pages

Purchase: PDF

Sample Chapters from Prout In Power (2017)

Ehealth Futures for Bangladesh http://www.metafuture.org/pdf/ehealthbanladesh.pdf

The Futures of Higher Education http://www.metafuture.org/pdf/futureshighered.pdf

Arab Spring Scenarios http://www.metafuture.org/pdf/arabspring.pdf

The Futures of Crime and Prison http://www.metafuture.org/pdf/crimeandprisons.pdf

Social Movements and Strategy http://www.metafuture.org/Articles/Transformative%20strategy%20for%20the%20Prout%20movement%2015%20may%202009.pdf

Democratic Governance Asia 2030 http://www.metafuture.org/pdf/democraticgovernanceasia.pdf

 

These are earlier (draft) versions of chapters, for the final (published) version click here: Prout in Power (2017) (PDF)

 

 

 

 

Expanding Economic Thinking: Shrii Sarkar and Amartya Sen (2004)

By Sohail Inayatullah


There is a general sense of exuberance that with the recent Nobel award going to a social welfare economist the trend away from financial markets being primary has been validated by the economics profession. It is thus heartening that the Nobel Committee has finally discovered the People’s economy.

We say finally because it has been the people’s economy for thousands of years that has nourished us, that has kept us alive. Whatever the historical era – shudra, ksattriya, vipra or vaeshya – it is this level of the economy that has been most crucial, and it is this economy that those in power have been most concerned about dominating.

When capitalists are in power, they want to ensure to monetize the informal dimensions of barter, of small markets, of localism. They want to ensure that the far reaches of corporatization expand to the most remote village so that there can be paying customers for their products; customers who can pay in cash and not in-kind through bartering.

When vipras are in power, they too want to ensure that there is surplus at the bottom level so their welfare can be taken care of. They want to ensure that every last bit segment of the market is appropriately taxed.

Too, in ksattriyan eras, warriors take from the poor for their dreams of conquering neighbors. Indeed, history can be understood from this dimension – who is taking from the peoples economy, what ways have been found to extract wealth upward. Is it through donations to priests and monks, is it calls to globalize, is it through monetization? By analyzing in which ways the people are removed from direct economic activities we can gauge what level of exploitation exists.

DEFINED

But what specifically is the People’s economy? Shrii Sarkar defines it as such: “People’s economy deals with the essential needs of the people – the production, distribution, marketing … and all related activities of such essential needs. Most importantly, it is directly required concerned with the guaranteed provision of minimum requirements such as food, clothing, housing, medical treatment, education, transportation, energy and irrigation water.” (i). At essence, it is about survival. With a vibrant peoples economy, people live, without it, as Sen has argued, famines can result. And yet, it is this economy that the state tries to regulate. Again as Sen has shown famines result partly due to state intervention, especially in immoral dictatorships where there is no opposition, where people have no way to express their frustrations, where information is kept secret. In contrast, a people’s economy is decentralized, local, and ideally based on the cooperative economic model, wherein individuals exist in community, in relationship with each other.

This message of localism has been the most recent wave of economic thinking. Thinkers such as Hazel Henderson, James Robertson and representatives of indigenous communities have consistently argued that the opposite of capitalism is not communism but localism – that to survive we need to (1) focus on the environment – a concern for animals and plants, (2) focus on just distribution – on the ratio of wealth between the richest and poorest, (3) focus on local forms of exchange, including local money, (4) focus on the most vulnerable – often women and children, and (5) find ways to empower these groups not by “developing” them but by removing the barriers that vipras, ksattriyas and vaeshyas place in front of them, that is the barriers that intellectuals/priests; police/military and merchants/capitalists place on them. The goal is not to help these people become rich (as defined by those in power) but to ensure their dignity and their survival, to empower them. While emergency help though social relief organizations is important, far more crucial is removing the power of the landlords, of the courts, the police, and larger corporations. Doing both of course is what states find problematic.

WHY?

Feeding the poor is admired but asking why the poor are hungry, and then taking steps to eliminate the barriers of poverty is what threatens governments, for it exposes that those in power are unwilling to transform the structural basis of violence, of poverty. It is precisely this reason why Shrii Sarkar and his social movements – Ananda Marga and Prout – have been at the receiving end of brutality from state and national governments in India and elsewhere. Sen wins an award because he theorises poverty, Mother Teresa wins an award because she relieves human suffering – both are deserving winners – but Shrii Sarkar, who theorizes poverty, relieves human suffering and initiates powerful movements to expose and end poverty was vilified. Of course, we should not be surprised by this. As he says himself, whenever truth has been spoken to power, the response has been an attack on truth. This is the natural cycle transformative movements must endure if they are to create the conditions for a better life for future generations.

Finally, and this is crucial, and again problematic from a reductionist modernist perspective, Shrii Sarkar has included inner, personal transformation as part of the solution to poverty and injustice. Unless humans begin the inner purification moral process themselves as well as the mental expansionary process – through meditation – they, over time, will also become part of the problem. The structures of exploitation – that is, the institutions, the values and persons who legitimise and validate them – have too deeply infected society. Only by enhancing one’s morality and expanding the inclusiveness of one’s mind is it possible to avoid the dis-ease of an unjust system. It is this combination that makes Shrii Sarkar both utterly unique and fundamentally problematic to grasp. It might even have been enough, as mentioned above, to theorise, relieve and challenge poverty but then to investigate inner poverty, the lack of spiritual nourishment, immediately relocates poverty not only as a food issue for the poor but as well a global moral and spiritual issue. The solution thus becomes not just less authoritarian systems, and a better framework for distributive justice – Sen’s argument – but inner and outer systemic and epistemic transformation. It is thus grand sweep of self and society that Shrii Sarkar brings to economic thinking, and in the process fundamentally redefines the field.

OTHER SYSTEMS

Returning to the more specific issue of the people’s economy, it is important to note that communism as well spoke of the people’s economy, indeed, the entire philosophy was based on protecting the people, on ending wage labor exploitation, but there were two problems. (1) Politics instead of being landlord-laborer based became party apparatchik-laborer based. (2) Violence was systematically used against localism so that there could be massive industrialisation. (3) Dignity, in terms of local religions, customs and ways of knowing, was jettisoned for progress. While in some cases this can be justified, that is, where religion and other systems are conducive toward violence against the other, in many cases, localism was quickly replaced with allegiance to party, ideology and the great leader. Thus one dogma was replaced by another.

Confucianism as well has attempted to end the people’s economy but in a far more benign way. The trade off for ending local systems has been the paternal state where father knows best. While this has had its merits – safety, security, survival, education, a concern for the family and future generations, transparent politics – the loss has been cultural pluralism, of the right to dissent. While certainly for a “well knit social order” – to use Shrii Sarkar’s language – dissent should only come with responsibility, it appears that in Confucian societies the spirit of difference, the sweetness of culture, has been lost.

Globalism, while absolutely brilliant at the continuous movement of money, its rolling, has been less concerned about where the money is going, the ethical in and outputs. It has been excellent at economic growth but less with distribution. Moreover, the rolling of money has been based not on productive investment but on short-term speculation, thus leading to a delinking of the financial economy with the real economy of goods and services.

It is this concern for inappropriate economic practices that Sarkar’s other branch of economics, the psycho-economy, attends to.

PSYCHO-ECONOMY

Psycho-economy has two branches, the first of which, will never deliver a nobel in our modern world, but the second in the coming generations should be fundamental. The first branch consists of exposing and eradicating “unjust economic practices, behaviors and structures.” (ii) This is generally well represented in the Marxist literature, and more or less, consistent with the intentions of radical political-economy. Current thinkers such as Immanuel Wallerstein and Johan Galtung have both excelled in this approach.

The second branch is concerned with a post-scarcity society, that is, with mundane economic problems solved, how to deal with pressing issues such as the relationship between technology and work or the office environment. These post-industrial issues include as well: how employees feel about their lives, about their job, and about what is important to them.

Psycho-economy is not an attempt to create a theory of information, since Shrii Sarkar is not a reductionist but to ask what are the values behind an economy, what are our aspirations? It acknowledges that life is not about economics and economistic (reducing life to materialistic principles) thinking. As Shrii Sarkar writes: “the psycho-economy is to develop and enhance the psychic pabula of the individual and collective minds.” (iii). What does this mean? At heart this is about inclusion, about reframing our identity not as consumers (I shop therefore I am) or as competitors (I have to increase my wealth by eliminating other firms) but as spiritual human beings. This means seeing the exchange of good, services and ideas as a process wherein others are not harmed, stolen from or maligned but creating an economic process that allows each participant to prosper. At heart, this is about spiritual cooperative economics, about including others in how we do business, how we produce, how we consume, how we live. It is understanding our desires and their relationship to the physical world. Capitalist economics, however, ignores social costs such as the drudgery of much work or the social problems caused by unemployment. Capitalist economics does not ask the crucial question: is what is being produced that which should be produced for the health and happiness of all?

Conventional economics thus defines values, impact on the environment, impact on future generations, as external to the economic process. Indeed, critics of globalization have called for full pricing, where externals are internalized by economic actions. The goal thus is to increase access to information for buyers and sellers and to determine the impact of specific economic activity on society. While this important, it does not nearly go far enough for Sarkar.

INFORMATION ECONOMICS AND OTHER PARTS OF THE ECONOMY

Information economic theory has made the mistake of further dividing reality into tiny bits with the goal of quantifying each further subdivision, while Sarkar argues that the opposite is needed, an expansion of what we allow in our minds, or how we construct our minds. With Sarkar, information theory thus moves to communication theory with reality being a co-evolutionary process between self, others, the transcendental and the natural world. This synthetic approach will not win nobel or other awards since it does not give any specific additive knowledge (what science excels at), instead it creates a new framework in which to understand current knowledge – that is, it is transformative knowledge.

But Sarkar’s redefinition of economics does not avoid current commercial issues. Indeed, he also writes on the Commercial Economy. This branch is generally similar to our present understanding of economics, which is concerned with issues of how to develop scientific productive and efficient processes that “which will not incur loss,” (iv) and ensure that “output will exceed input.” (v) While an idealistic, Sarkar never ignored the reality of the physical world. Indeed, he asserted that we are not properly using our current resources, either misusing them or mal-appropriating them. The majority of problems in the world have come about because the Commercial Economy has been seen as the totality of economics instead of just as one dimension of economics. While Sen brings in values to economics, he still does this largely in the context of the commercial economy. It is left to others to point out that the general tools of economic theory cannot deal with the household, village or indigenous economy.

Finally, Sarkar adds the General Economy to his model. This last part is his ideal vision of the economy. In this case, a three-tiered economic structure (state run, cooperatives and individual/family run). Thus, while earlier parts of the economy focused on the minimum requirements of life (that is, the needs of the South); on the structural problems of exploitation (the global problematique); on a postscarcity inclusive economy (the concerns of a post-industrial economy); on issues of production and the international monetary system (the world-economy), the last section of his theory of economics, focuses on what an ideal economic structure should look like.

These categories he gives us – the four parts of the economy – are not only descriptions of the economy, but as well analytic tools, that is, they serve to describe and reveal the world in front of us.

For economic students, much of this is not economics, as economics as currently defined is only concerned with production, and not with the values behind the system. Issues of inflation and depression, while the concern of conventional economics are not Sarkar’s direct concern except in so far as they lead to system transformation – the end of capitalism – or they increase human suffering.

Sarkar’s Proutist Economics is then not about debating economic trends or pinpointing depressions but rather about using the analytic tools Shrii Sarkar has given us to better understand the world, to change the world, to relieve human suffering, to transform self, to create a moral economy; and ultimately to create a spiritual cooperative society.

Will Shrii Sarkar ever win a nobel prize? Most likely never, and, of course, this was never his aim. His prize will be the creation of a new planetary society, a prize no committee can ever give, only the hard work of women and working collectively, and the grace of Parama Purusa can afford that.


Notes:

i. P.R.Sarkar, “The Parts of the Economy,” in P.R.Sarkar, Prout in a Nutshell. Translated by Acarya Vijayananda Avadhuta and Jayanta Kumar. Calcutta, Ananda Marga Publications, 1987 (First edition), 16.

ii. ibid., 19.

iii. ibid.

iv. ibid., 20.

v. ibid.,

References:

Alan Fricker, guest editor, “Beyond Capitalism,” special issue of New Renaissance, Spring, 1999.

Hazel Henderson, Building a Win-Win World: Life Beyond Global Economic Warfare. San Francisco, Berret-Koehler Publishers, 1996.

Sohail Inayatullah, Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar – On Economics. Minneapolis, Minnesota, Renaissance Universal Institute Publication Series No. 5, 1988.

Sohail Inayatullah and Paul Wildman, Futures Studies – Methods, Emerging Issues and Civilisational Visions. Brisbane, Prosperity Press, 1998.

James Robertson, Beyond the Dependency Culture: People, Power and Responsibility. Twickenham, Adamantine Press, 1998.

P.R.Sarkar, Prout in a Nutshell. Calcutta, Ananda Marga Publications, 1987 (First edition).

P.R. Sarkar, Proutist Economics: Discourses on Economic Liberation. Calcutta, Ananda Marga Publications, 1992.

Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1981.

Amartya Sen, “Information,” www.nobel.se/announcment-98/economics98.html

Amartya Sen, “Development Economist,” www.economictimes.com/151098/15opin01.htm

Acarya Shambhushivananda Avadhuta, Prout – Neo-Humanistic Economics. Weisenauer Weg, Germany, Dharma Verlag, 1989.

Rameshwar Dayal Singh, “Poverty Alleviation is Possible,” Prout (December 1-15, 1998), 38-39.

Ted Trainer, “Our Economic System: Why it must be scrapped.” Research paper, Faculty of Arts, University of New South Wales.

Notes on PROUT Policy on Intervention (2003)

Sohail Inayatullah

Prout supports intervention in sovereign nation states by a duly created world body. It rejects intervention by particular nation-states, even broad based coalitions. This is largely as the self-interests of nation-states (geo-political control, resource and ideology control) go against the self-interests of the planet.

Ideologically, Prout rejects the UN as such a world body, as the UN is foundations are based on inequitable world order. Moreover, eligibility into the UN is based on acquiring national status, thus leaving out social movements, cooperatives, and individuals.

Ideologically Prout rejects identity politics particularly religious politics, including the hindu variety ( eg, BJP genocide in Gujrat), of the Islamic variety (terrorism globally and in Kashmir) of the Christian Vatican (the feudal politics of the Vatican) and of the Jewish variety (Zionism).

However, to remove imbalances, Prout supports social movements that attempt to redress the exploitation of language (communities being brutalized for speaking their native tongue or being denied equal opportunity), religion (suppressing a people based on their religion), gender and other identities. However, these movements should not and cannot be allowed to become the new oppressors, that is, upon gaining state or other types of power, using their own language or religion or … as a political weapon. Prout sees all identity as historically and social constructed – the only “true” identity is spiritual.

Prout asserts that any long lasting to solution to current problems must be mutli-layered. This means:

1. the creation of economic democracy, focused on cooperatives
2. the creation of an expanded identity, moving away from nation, religion and ethnicity toward a politics of earth identity
3. an environmental ethic, seeing nature as a living resource for all and “herself.”
4. a gender ethics, focused on gender partnership

In the current war in Iraq, Prout rejects usa intervention. However, it supports the notion of intervention against states that consistently violate basics human and nature rights (eg, India in Gujrat, Pakistan in Kashmir, Israel/Palestine in each other, Iraq towards its citizens and Iran, Zimbabwe against its citizens, to begin with). While the best solution is local people removing dictators, when that is impossible, or when local leaders violate global law, world action is needed.

Given that no world government exists to engage in such intervention, in the short run, Prout favors the strengthening and broadening of the UN, including transforming the internationalism of the UN to a universalism.

In this sense Prout strongly favors a transformed globalization that creates planetary identities, strong economic democracies, free movement of labour – in effect a new type of glo-calism that moves humanity away from feudalism and nationalism and towards a planetary universalism.

Given that USA intervention is a reality, Prout seeks to provide humanitarian aid and seeks to be involved in the global debate on a post-war Iraq, ensuring that the future develops on Prout policy (economic democracy, gender partnership, ecological ethic, etc).

A Proutist View of the Futures of South Asia: Steps to a Confederation (2003)

By Sohail Inayatullah

While we are all aware why we do not have peace in south asia, there is a paucity of explorations on how to create a better future. The lack of peace defined as both individual peace (inner contentment), social-psychological peace (how we see the Other), structural peace (issues of justice, particularly territorial justice) and epistemological peace (toward a plurality of ways of knowing) are among the major factors contributing to poverty in south asia. Government expenditures in each nation, especially India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka go for military purposes and not for education or health. Every time a positive economic cycle begins, yet one more confrontation sends military expenditures higher. Few, except military leaders and a few corporations (mostly foreign), benefit from this escalation.

LACK OF VISIONS

Part of the reason for this vicious cycle of confrontation and poverty is because South Asia has been unable to move outside of colonial and partition (or liberation) categories. Conceptual travel outside of British influence is difficult and cultural, economic, military and psychological colonialism and categories of thought remain in south asian internal structures and representations of the self.

Intellectuals in south asia also do not help matters, in fact, we are often part of the problem. Focused on historical investigations and mired in feudal social relations, academic discourse, in general, and the future, in particular, has become fugitive and, when apprehended, made trivial. This is largely because of the style, content and structure of south asian intellectual/State relations. By and large administered by the civil service, appeasing the chief minister (as evidenced by the center stage of the minister at book launchings and public lectures) is far more important than independent intellectual inquiry. It is the State that gives academic discourse legitimacy, since it is the State that has captured civil society. The paucity of economic, social and political resources for the Academy exacerbates, if not causes, this situation.

NATION, STATE AND REAL POLITICS

Colonial history has produced an overarching paradigm that even the interpreters of the hadith and Vedanta must relinquish their authority to. This is the neo-realist model of International Relations and National Development. Caught in a battle of ego expansion, of self-interest, nations function like self-interested egoistic individuals. Economic development can only take place at the national level with communities absent from participation. Thus making peace at local levels impossible. Security is defined in terms of safety from the aggressor neighboring nation, not in terms of local access to water, technology and justice. Only real politics with hidden motives behind every actor and action makes sense in this neo-realist discourse. The task then for most is explaining the actions of a nation or of functionaries of the State. Envisioning other possibilities for “nation” or “state” and their interrelationships, that is, the assumptions that define what is considered eligible for academic discourse remains unattempted, thus the absence of communities, non-governmental organizations, class and other transnational categories such as gender from the realm of what is considered important.

Moreover, structural analysis such as center/periphery theory (a step beyond conspiracy theory) is intelligible but only with respect to the West not with respect to internal structures. Finally, visions of the future, attempts to recreate the paradigm of international relations, strategic studies and development theory through women studies, world system research, historical social change analysis, peace studies, participatory action research or the social movements are considered naive and too idealistic. Worse, it is believed that this naivete and idealism threatens security on the home front. Thus it is fine if class and gender are issues that challenge mainstream politics in the neighboring nation but not in “our perfect country.” What results thus is at best static peace – that is the diplomatic accomodation of official differences and not what Prout founder, P.R. Sarkar calls, sentient peace, or the creation of a mutual ecology of destiny based on shared moral principles.

However even with the dominance of real-politics, idealism does exist, but, in the quest for modernity it has been marginalized. Visions remain limited to evening prayer or meditation, for personal peace, but they have no place in politics or structural peace, except at the level of the State which uses religious practices to buttress its own power and control over competing classes, that is, it appropriates vision into its own strategic discourse.

Again, the dominance of neo-realism and the loss of mutual trust can be explained by many variables. The most important of them is the event of partition – the alleged break from colonialism -that has dominated intellectual efforts. With more than a generation of mistrust, hate and fear, creating alternative futures, not dominated by the partition discourse is indeed challenging. The disappointment of post-colonial society has worn heavy on the south asian psyche – betrayals by leaders and calls for more sacrifices from the people for yet another promised plan is unlikely to transform the weight of the past and the abyss of the present. The future that we have arrived at to is not the final destination for south asia, it is a dystopia. As Faiz has written , “The time for the liberation of heart and mind has not come yet. Continue your arduous journey. This is not your destination.”

POSSIBLE STRATEGIES

Given this history, what are some possible strategies outside of the partition and nation-state discourse. And how can Prout and associated organizations help in these strategies, in creating new visions and realities for South Asia.

The short run strategy for Prout and other social movements would be to attempt to encourage peaceful citizen to citizen meetings between Bangladeshis, Sri Lankans, Pakistanis and Indians. These types of associations are very much part of the project of Ananda Marga Universal Relief Team, which provides relief from suffering for all humans, animals and plants. Renaissance Universal Clubs and the organization of Renaissance Writers and Artists Association are other organizations whose mission is transnational. Their effort in creating links between intellectuals, writers and artists across national boundaries would be critical in such efforts. Unfortunately south asian intellectuals are often beholden to the bureaucracy. Rarely are they independent. Moreover, in general, intellectuals tend to adopt nationalistic lines seeing history only from a nationalistic perspective, thinking that the other nation’s history is propaganda and one’s own nation’s historiography is the real objective truth. This has worsened in recent times with the rise of the BJP in India and of rightist Islamic parties.

Intellectuals who have left the “homeland” for the West are not immune from this intellectual cancer. While south asians may unite in critique of the West, when it comes to the homefront, they remain attached to nation. Religion as well has increasingly become a weapon of identity, used not to create a higher level of consciousness but to distance from the other. In this sense, the neo-humanist mind and paradigm has yet to emerge. Instead, identity is based on geographical sentiments, national sentiments and religious sentiments.

The recent war in Afghanistan has further hardened identity, forcing individuals to be either, especially in Pakistan, strict muslims or western oriented. Layered identity, that is, we are primarily human beings, and secondary national citizens or members of a particular religion, is more difficult to achieve. Indeed, as Marcus Bussey (www.metafuture.org) has argued, neo-humanism should not be seen solely as a theory but as a practice. We must live day to day through neo-humanism, asking ourselves, how in our conversations, our views, our teaching of children do we recreate historical identities, or help create inclusive identities.

Nonetheless, it is imperative that we find ways to encourage citizen to citizen interaction through sports, arts, music and literature, to begin with. To do this, of course, there needs to be travel between the various south asian nations. However given the intervention of each nation in the Other: Pakistan in India; India in Sri Lanka; and given secession movements in each country, suspicion is natural and travel difficult. Normalization of borders when the nation-state is under threat appears unlikely especially as violence has become routine in local and national politics.

One way out of this is to begin to focus on ideal futures instead of dis-unifying pasts; that is, instead of asking who actually attacked who or should Kashmir be part of Pakistan or India or independent we need to practice compassion and forgiveness towards the other, to not see the gaining of territory as central to the national and personal ego. What is needed are meetings among artists, intellectuals, and even bureaucrats to stress areas and points of unity–sufis who are hindu; yogis who are sufi, for example. We need to remember stories of how difference has led to mutual benefit, to glorify how intimacy with the other can create sources of cultural vitality.

The usefulness in this citizen to citizen contact is that it will build amity among people who feel the other is distant, who fear the Other. While citizen to citizen contact did not markedly change US or Soviet policy towards each other, it did create peace forces in each nation, that created dissension when governments insisted on arguing that the other nation was the evil empire. Citizen to citizen contact ideally will develop into contact between non-governmental organizations that are committed to same ideals: serving the poor, empowering women, caring for the environment, for example.

The nuclear tests in Pakistan and India have led to numerous exchanges between Indians and Pakistanis, largely through the medium of the internet–a dynamic loose association called south asians against nukes has taken off. It intends to lobby governments in both countries to take steps to develop conversations of peace, of shared futures, as well as to set in place fail safe measures to avoid nuclear accidents and provocation by nationalists on all sides.

But most important is not specific issues but the hope that these NGOs may be able to strengthen civil society in each nation thus putting some pressure on politicians to choose more rational strategies, strategies that place humans and the environment ahead of geo-sentiments and geo-politics. Currently the politician who wants to negotiate with the leader of the other nation is forced to take hard-line aggressive policies (“we will never give up Kashmir or we will never give up nuclear power”) lest he or she lose power to the Opposition. By having a transnational peace, ecological, service movement pressuring each nation’ leaders they will have more room to negotiate and pursue policies that benefit the collective good and security of the region.

Of course, NGOs can as well distort local civil society, as they are financed by external sources. Trade associations, professional groups and other forms of community need as well to be activated along these neo-humanist lines.

While it would be ideal to reduce the likelihood of local leaders to pursue aggressive/nationalistic strategies most likely positive change, paradoxically enough, will come from the globalizing forces of privatization. Irrespective of how privatization harms labor and small business, it does create a wave of faith in the emerging bourgeois, who in their search for profits are transnational. The rational ceases to be the nation but the profit motivation. Profit motivation might begin the process of increased trade, and commercial contacts between the various nations of the south asian region. For Capital, mobility, the free flow of borders is the key to its expansion. Historical feuds only limit its accumulation. For south asia, unless there are increased economic ties then the capital that accumulates because of privatization will largely go to overseas destinations, Tokyo and New York.

Beginning the process of developing a south asian economic sphere, even it is created by those who have little concern for the environment and for social justice, in the long run will help create more peaceful futures for the region. At the level of the person, business men and women who have to make deals will have to face each other, will have to see that they have common interests. Moreover, they will not be branded as spies by opportunistic political leaders since business can always claim they are only working for national productivity. Of course, from a Proutist view, creating economic and cultural vitality through social/peoples’ movements, particularly the cooperative movement, or increasing the rights of labor throughout south asia is even more important – it is shudra viplava, not the rise of the bourgois that is crucial.

In the meantime, labor, unfortunately, has far less mobility than capital. Labor leaders who are transnational will certainly be branded as unpatriotic, in fact, in contrast to business leaders, labor leaders will be seen as spies who are attempting to stifle national growth. Arguing for local economic democracy by contesting the power of the federal bureaucracy and outside economic interests will also not beholden social movements to the power of government and capital. Indeed, decentralization will be misconstrued for secession, in some cases.

However, we can hope that at the regional level as the Other becomes less distant or because of the pressure of external forces, we can envision a time when national policy leaders meet to create a south asian confederation of sorts. To develop such a larger south asian trade association or confederation, there needs to be agreement or negotiation in the following areas.

AREAS OF NEGOTIATION

1. Water regime. The problems here are associated with the use of water for the short term instead of the long term, for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many. Should water become a joint resource then?

2. Human rights regime. The problems in reaching agreement in this area should be obvious since each will claim that the other violates human rights while it has a perfect record. Action from global human rights associations can help create pressure on local levels. Human rights will need to focus not just on individual rights but the following Sarkar, the right to purchasing capacity. The right to religion and language will also have to be central in any human rights regime. We must remember that the debate on human rights in Asia is about expanding the Western notion of liberal individual rights to include economic rights and collective rights. It is not about the restriction of rights but their augmentation.

3. Nuclear non-proliferation. This is problematic since India believes that it has to fear China as well as Pakistan. China sees itself as a global power and thus will not agree to any nuclear agreement, especially given the inequitable structure of the present global nuclear and arms regime. However, nuclear proliferation promises, as with the US-USSR case, to bankrupt first one nation and then the other – Pakistan is already on the verge of financial calamity. Given the lack of safety of nuclear installations, it might take a meltdown before some agreement is reached. Pakistan believes that it must have a dramatic deterrent since it believes most Indians have yet to truly accept partition, independence. Indeed, Indians generally see Pakistanis as double traitors, first for having converted from hinduism to Islam and second for having carved Pakistan from India.

4. UN peacekeeping forces in troubled areas. This step while impinging on national sovereignty could ease tensions throughout south asia. For one, it recognizes that there is a crisis that the leaders of each nation, particularly Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and India, have failed to resolve. Will we see blue helmets throughout south asia in the near future? However, peacekeeping should be not restricted to weaponed officers but rather should include community builders–therapists and healers. Recent breakthroughs in Sri Lanka have partly come about through intervention of mediators from Norway. This external peace building as been essential in moving Sri Lanka from its abyss.

5. Regional conferences at Cabinet level. While governments often obscure truth, more meetings might begin a thawing process and, unfortunately, if not properly structured, they might further reinscribe half-truths and vicious stereotypes of the Other. Still, meetings on specific points where there is a great chance of agreement are a great place to begin. Start slow, reach agreement, and build from there, would be a place to begin.

6. Regional conferences of ngos (environmental groups, feminist groups, peace movement, universal spiritual groups, artists, human rights activists). This is even more important as it helps build relationships among like-minded individuals who are tired of the symbolic efforts of their own governments, who crave a different south asia.

While all these steps begin the process, the long run strategy would be to encourage a rethinking of identity and an alternate economic and political structure.

LONG TERM STEPS

The long terms steps would be:

1. Denationalize self, economy and identity. This the larger project of delinking the idea of the nation, whether India or Pakistan, from our mental landscape and replacing it with more local–community–and global concepts, that of the planet itself.

2. Essentially this means a rewriting of textbooks in south asia. Moving away from the neo-realist real politics paradigm and toward the neo-humanist educational perspective. This means rewriting history as well rethinking the future.

3. Create Peoples’ movements centered on bioregions and linguistic and cultural zones, that is, begin the process of rethinking the boundaries of south asia along lines other than those that were hammered out by Indian political parties and the British in the early half of this century. This is Sarkar’s notion of samaj movements.

4. Encourage self-reliance and localism in each zone. While trade is central between nations and the economic zones, it should not be done at the expense of the local economy. This is not say that poor quality products should be encouraged, rather on non-essential items there should be competition. The State should not give preferential treatment to a few businesses at the expense of others.

5. Barter trade between zones is one way to stop inflation. In addition, it leads to a productive cycle between zones, especially helping poorer zones increase wealth. These will especially be useful given the upcoming world recession or depression.

6. Encourage universal dimensions of the many religions and cultures of the area. While this is much easier said than done, it means that individuals have a right to religious expression with the role of the State that of ensuring non-interference from local, national and regional leaders who desire to use religion and its strong emotive content to gain votes.

7. Develop legal structures that can ensure the respect of the rights of women, children, the aged and the environment. The latter is especially important given that environmental issues are transnational. Indeed, the disastrous climatic after effects of recent nuclear explosions show that the environment is a genuine global rights issue. Eventually, while this is a long way off, we need to consider the creation of an Asian International Court.

8. Transparency. Governmental decisions need to be open. Ideally meetings should be televised. Promises made by politicians need to become legal documents so that citizens groups can initiate litigation against corruption and mis-information. The same level of transparency should be expected for corporations as well as ngos.

What this means is that we need visions of the future of south asia that are not based on communal violence but are based on the possibility of dynamic peaceful coexistence – what P.R. Sarkar has called, prama. The task while seemingly impossible must begin with a few small steps, of Indians and Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Sri Lankans, Nepalese and Bhutanese and other historical groups in south asia finding ways to realize some unity amongst all our differences.

The challenge for the Proutist movement is to use its foundational analytic categories – the social cycle, neo-humanism, prama, maxi-mini wage structures, sentient peace (and not peace based on short term religious or nationalist goals, that is, static peace) to help understand south asia’s present predicament, and offer ways out. To do, Prout needs to ensure that it does not enter short term strategic partnerships with various governments but rather continues to work at creating a strong civil society, what Sarkar has called “uniting the moralists”. Prout must continue to oppose communism, liberalism as well as their metaphysical foundation, that of, neo-realism.

Future generations will remember that there was least one social movement that did not accede to narrow sentiments, that kept alive the idea of south asia as an historical civilization, and thus managed to transcend its Indian birth to become a true universal movement. Let us begin together to create a new history for future generations.

Certainly with the day-to-day violence through south asia, whether Gujrat or Kashmir, it is difficult to imagine a better future. But by staying within current identities and politics, we doom future generations to poverty. When will we choose otherwise?

The Politics of Understanding PROUT: Epistemological Approaches to Social Analysis (1999)

By Sohail Inayatullah

INTRODUCTION

Since the inception of the Progressive Utilization Theory (PROUT) by P.R. Sarkar in the late 1950s, there have been numerous efforts to come to terms with the various implications and applications, and structures and meanings of this theory. The purpose of this essay is to comment on these commentaries and to surface in the context of PROUTist texts the problem of inquiry. How, for example, does one constitute the real, what categories of thought does one use, and furthermore in what ways is one’s method of inquiry related to or constitutive of the object of inquiry as well as to the discourses (texts, practices, the social construction of what-is) that frame one’s method. Thus, this is a discussion of various epistemological approaches.1

THE APPLIED APPROACH

There are numerous ways to approach the problem of understanding how one goes about understanding the texts of Sarkar. The first and most obvious approach one is used by Batra, Anderson and others.2 This is the method of taking the categories of PROUT, for example, the PROUT socio-historical category of varna, as given and then applying them to various historical events. What emerges is a revisionist history; a history reinterpreted to fit Sarkar’s cyclical-dialectical view of history and its component categories of worker, warrior, intellectual and acquisitor. For example, in the context of Western history, the Roman Empire now becomes the apex of the Warrior Era, the rise of Christianity becomes the beginning of the Intellectual Era, and the industrial revolution the beginning of the era of the Acquisitors, and the worker-led socialist revolutions of the twentieth century, the beginnings of the next cyclical era of Warriors. This approach is useful in bringing new readings to history and allowing certain structures to emerge that may have been lost by a particular discursive practice, for example, the rationalist-capitalist discourse which privileges a dynastic linear model of history at the expense of structural mythic discourses or the Marxist model of history that privileges economic explanations at the expense of martial, ideological and spiritual interpretations.

The problem with the application-oriented approach is that it does not problematize these categories themselves. How these particular categories came to be important is unattempted, nor is the worldview that these categories privilege inquired into. Thus, the categories themselves are treated as given. One might, for example, ask are these new categories of thought heuristics (typologies that help explain ideas), ideal types (mental often apriori categories), or inductive empirical categories (derived from the natural world).

Moreover, in applying a theory of history to history itself, one intrinsically selects those events and trends, those patterns that fit into one’s preunderstandings. This obviously raises various issues as to the study of history itself; is there one history, or are there alternative histories that are created or repressed, that is, is history dependent on the subject, on interpretation and, if so, how so? Furthermore it can be argued that one’s notion of history is constitutive of one’s theory; that history does not exist independently to one’s linguistic structures. Viewed from this perspective, one’s theory, preunderstandings are complicit in the dominant discourse of the present, thus making any objective history fundamentally problematic. If this is the case, then a serious attempt at uncovering the politics of one’s historical categories, one’s theory of history, is imperative so as to understand how one is structuring history, to understanding what is being epistemologically gained and lost. Without this inquiry, one’s preunderstandings remain unproblematic and thus uncovered within various power configurations.

THE EMPIRICAL APPROACH

The second approach, an extension of the applied, is the empirical approach. Here the world is divided into theory and data, with language simply describing the real world, not being constitutive of it. The question then becomes to determine operational, that is, measurable, definitions of Sarkar’s theory. For example, what are the indicators of each social era? How does one know empirically when one is in a particular era? Insofar as Sarkar asserts that those of the intellect and martial psychological wave are reduced to the proletariat, in the era of acquisitors; from the empirical perspective, the question then arises how do we define this category, what are valid indicators for this theoretical construct and how to find reliable and precise data that measure the above? Finally, to prove the hypothesis correct, alternative explanations must be disproved, and the results must be repeated by different studies.

To take another example, Sarkar writes that collectivities are unified either when they have a common enemy (an anti-sentiment) or a universal common vision (an ideology). From the empirical perspective, the project would then be to define collectivities (nations or empires) and then devise valid statistical measurements of unity and separation and finally to operationalize the notion of common enemy and common good into real world measurable indices. The problems with this approach are many. It makes an artificial distinction between what is being talked about and the language one uses to talk about it, forgetting that one’s empirical categories, operationalizations exist in various discursive practices–definitions of what constitutes the real that give significance to one’s results. It thus assumes that there exists an extra-linguistic reality that can be objectively talked about. Also problematic is the assertion that one’s real world indicator is conceptually related to one’s hypothesis, not to mention the problem of gathering reliable data itself, in terms of the categorization, the collection and the reporting of data itself. It also reduces the significance of a theoretical formulation to that of a instrumentalist and rationalist perspective, forgetting the role of the researcher, the interpreter. The empirical approach also does not problematize the theory itself–except in terms of proving or disproving hypotheses–nor does it compare the theory with other theories, except at the level of data analysis. More significantly, the theory as deeper myth (as a story that gives meaning to basic questions as to the nature of what is) is denied; the theory as action (in terms of creating a different world) is denied; as is the theory as vision (as part of a larger project to critique the present, to develop an alternative cosmology) is also denied. However, once we see the empirical perspective as a language, a discourse, then instead of statements that are only meaningful in the context of empiricism, we gain insight into how a theory might be translated (operationalized in the language of the empirical approach), thus, for example, allowing for a discussion on indicators of each particular era without reducing the various hypotheses to mere measurable indicators. Moreover, given that Sarkar redefines development to include the significance of animals and plants, that is, an economics as if all living things mattered, certainly then, for example, in any discussion of indicators of development the impact of economic growth on animal and plant life would no longer be an externality; rather, it would be central to the economic equation.

THE COMPARATIVE APPROACH

The third approach is the comparative approach. In this perspective, instead of applying PROUT to history or to the future, or searching for measurable indicators, we treat PROUT as a social movement and compare it with other social movements such as the Green/Environmental movement. We could also treat PROUT as a political philosophy and compare it with other political philosophies such as Liberalism, Conservatism or treat it as a cosmology and compare it with, for example, Islam or Buddhism.

We can structure the comparison along various categories such as ontology, epistemology, polity, economy, nature, technology, center-periphery relationships, and time.

This approach is useful in that a taxonomy of PROUT is developed and we can better understand PROUT as it now stands in the context of other powerful traditions. But there exists a significant problem with this approach. This approach is ahistorical. We are simply comparing one philosophy with another at a particular place in time. In addition, there exists the problem of units of analysis, in that, PROUT is in some ways a cosmology, in other ways a development model, as well as a social movement. Thus, what one compares PROUT with becomes increasingly problematic. Moreover, this approach does not reveal the structure of the categories chosen; for example, the categories one chooses for comparison are also an integral part of a cosmology, of a discourse. The categories economy and polity have only been distinct recently and the separation of the categories nature and technology only are sensible in Occidental models of thought. Thus the categories one chooses are in themselves problematic insofar as they are often part of the structure of a particular discourse, so much so that one may end up with a taxonomy which effectively simply compares not two cosmologies with each other, but the given cosmologies with the silent cosmology that the categories chosen are themselves embedded in–in this case, the epistemology of modernity.

However, significantly, commonalities and differences can be illustrative in leading to understandings of PROUT outside of its own discursive representations and in the case of constituting PROUT as a social movement, useful in attempting to create strategic alliances in the reconstruction project.

THE TRANSLATION APPROACH

The fourth approach is the translation approach. Here one takes the language of PROUT, the categories of PROUT themselves and attempts to translate them into an alternative tradition. For example, PROUT speaks of itself in terms of sixteen principles developed and articulated in the form of sutras with accompanying commentaries and constituted in the discursive practices of the Indian philosophical tradition. We can, however, group them in different ways. The categories I have used–borrowed from the Western social science tradition–in various efforts include3: theory of consciousness (ontology, creation-evolution theory, mind-body problems, layers of the mind), development model (concept of progress, theory of value), theory of history (social cycles, dialectics), development ethics (neo-humanism, economics as if all living beings mattered), and strategy (regional, linguistic social movements).

Alternatively, we can also group PROUT into three frames; critique, eschatology, and strategy. Sarkar’s writing implicitly and explicitly critiques the present global system and the values that underlie this system, and at the same time they provide a blueprint and a vision for an alternative vision, a sense of what could be. Finally, Sarkar provides a strategy of how to go from here to there.

The problem with this approach is that any attempt to translate involves not just a problem of syntax, but a problem of discursive practices, that is, a problem of the deeper values and structures embedded in various ways of thinking, or “languaging,” such that a translation may miss not only the entire structure of a perspective but critical categories as well. Thus, in a translation, meanings are regrouped and then re-understood not in the context of the original text but in the context, in the world, of the translation. However, by virtue of it being a translation, there is a useful strategic value in that the information is available to other linguistic communities thus allowing the translated text to become part of the terrain of these communities. In addition, through a hermeneutic theoretical move, one might discover various meanings by comparing the original with the translation.

The empirical approach is similar to this, however, the translation (in the empiricist perspective) is seen as a vertical effort between the theory world of ideas and the real world of data, while the above approach is a horizontal approach between various theoretical constructs.

THE FRAMING APPROACH

The fifth approach is that of framing Sarkar’s work through the perspective of a variety of disciplines. For example, one may frame it in the language of systems theory. Systems thinking breaks down the whole into a system of interlocking dependent parts, such that the flows of information between sub-systems are noticeable. Changes in a sub-system lead often to changes in the entire system. It is a powerful method to study complexity and interrelatedness. One could then reinterpret various elements of Sarkar’s work as inputs (spiritual inspiration) outputs (social transformation) outcomes (outputs that feedback to inputs, struggle). One can then look at the various relationships between the sub-systems (the spiritual, the organizational, the political) and determine their contribution to the system and the overall goal of the system–in Sarkar’s language, that of spiritual realization and social change. This goal can then be disaggregated into subgoals, that of one nation becoming PROUTist, or social welfare projects completed.

Alternatively, one could frame Sarkar’s PROUT in the language of futures studies. PROUT then becomes an alternative image of the future competing for legitimacy against the dominant vision of the future, modernity, and along with other images, the socialist democratic vision, the environmental vision, the Islamic vision, or the global socialist vision. PROUT, then, is reconstituted as an alternative possible future. Of course, from the perspective of a PROUTist worker, PROUT is not an alternative vision, it is perhaps the vision of the future, or at least, the most probable vision of what is to be. Moreover, from the perspective of the futures field, PROUT is defined as a forecasting methodology, as a way of predicting the society of tomorrow.

While this approach is quite useful, the failings are obvious. Any discipline one might use has its own biases; each discipline privileges a certain discourse. For example, systems theory simply organizes in a rationalist and functionalist fashion the components of the system, it does not allow for alternative designs or interpretations, for example, those possible through a dialectical framework, or a mythic symbolic one. Moreover, systems theory is a metaphor that makes certain assumptions as to what is considered the natural state of things (the notion that every system naturally move to a state of equilibrium, for example). As a metaphor it exaggerates and hides; certain meanings are accentuated, others are silenced.

The futures approach, too, is problematic. For one it is ahistorical. Secondly, critical is the problem of constituting the future in two seemingly discrete categories: preferred and probable. The probable future is determined by a variety of forecasting technologies such as dialectics, statistics, cycles of history, or expert opinion and is phrased apolitically, that is, the role of subjectivity, in terms of which forecasting methodology is chosen, or the role of epistemology, one’s theory of knowledge, is seen as given. However, once we politicize the category of probable future and argue that is it is often a result of problem selection, or methodology selection, or moreover, one’s discursive practices (one’s ideology, at a simple level), then the problematic nature of the distinction between probable and preferred becomes apparent. Even when the most probable solution is seen as a dystopia, this creation functions as a warning system, a way of articulating what might happen if one’s preferred future does not result, or if the present continues, then as an objectively gotten probable future.

Finally, by focusing on PROUT as a predictive social theory, in so far as Sarkar contends that the social cycle is a law of nature in much the same way as numerous writers have located Marxist theory, then the legitimacy of the entirety of the theory falls or rises based on its social forecasting utility; its interpretative value, its critical value, its value as praxis are denied.

However, the futures approach provides new meanings and allows different discourses to speak, thus potentially shedding light on that which is to be interpreted. Moreover, by framing it in the category of thought of “alternative future” it is somewhat legitimized as an actual possibility of a future society, rather then fiction. Thus, its theoretical framework and its policy prescriptions are seen as potentially relevant in the various academic, governmental, and international development dialogs.

THE PHENOMENOLOGICAL APPROACH

The sixth approach is to look at the way Sarkar, himself, constitutes his world. We begin here with the phenomenological perspective; we are concerned with gaining insight into the text on the terms of the text. Instead of seeking to test the text or translate the text, or to refit the text to a “prepackaged” methodology, we examine how PROUT sees itself. What categories and structures does Sarkar use? For example, Sarkar develops a six point theory of successful societal development–spiritual ideology, spiritual practice, preceptor, spiritual texts, socio-economic theory, and social outlook. With these categories, we can locate PROUT as well as other systems or movements. Also illustrative is Sarkar’s typology of the failure of theories. For him, the first category is that of hypocrite’s theory, or those developed to serve the interest of a particular class or interest, that is “to dupe the people,”4 The second is the range of theories that exist without any basis in the real, with the day to day suffering of the physical world or the possibilities of the spiritual world, that is, they speak solely in the world of mentalities.

The third is the range of theories that result from a particular culture or environment, but are however universalized and thus fail because of their generalization. For Sarkar, the Marxist effort can be thus categorized.

The fourth are those constructs that fail to develop because of implementation problems: political, bureaucratic or individual.

This approach is highly useful in that we see how PROUT creates itself, we see its structure in its terms, we see how PROUT sees the world and we learn from it about the way we construct our world. Thus, instead of interpreting PROUT, we now engage in the process of rethinking our own selves, our own world. We uncover ourselves. This process reduces the distances between author, text, and audience and a multi-layered dialog is created. However, this approach does not problematize PROUT itself. It does not allow for comparison between different cosmologies, that is, while this model obviously critiques communism for being weak on spiritual practice, we do not find out how communism locates PROUT in its hierarchy of successful movements or theories. In addition, it is ahistorical in that we do not see the historical context of the various constructs of PROUT.

The challenge then becomes to see Prout categories of the world as not goals of an ideal society but in fact as lenses to constitute the world. Thus instead of using current categories of polity and economy to understand Prout, the task is to use Sarkar’s categories of neo-humanism and varna, for example, to make sense of what the world is and can be. Prout then becomes not just a vision of an ideal society but an analytic tool in which to dissect the current world. This means instead of acceding to traditional political analysis and thus borrowing neo-realistic (conventional political science analysis) liberal frames which privilege the nation-state, the task is to use Prout categories such as varna, prama, neo-humanism and the layers of the mind to better understand, and thus create a world with enhanced fidelity to Prout theory.

THE POSTMODERN/POSTSTRUCTURALIST APPROACH

The seventh approach is that of the postmodern/poststructuralist. Here we examine the various structures within Sarkar’s cosmology; that is, the linguistic discourses, the way that it is constructed, the monuments of language and power in front of us. From this perspective, the goal is to examine the text of Sarkar and see what discourses or linguistic worldviews he is privileging; what epistemologies and discourses he is seeking to encourage, and what ways of thinking as constituted in various discourses he is attempting to make problematic, to critique. Thus, instead of dialog, we are seeking to distance ourselves from a typical, that is, mundane, discussion on the varieties of what Sarkar really means in a certain text.

With this perspective, we gain insight into the structure of Sarkar’s writing. For example, Sarkar is clearly attempting to make the present less concrete by developing a dialectical-cyclical theory of history. In addition, he is politicizing the future by not positing an end to politics, that is, a state when all class struggle is over, yet he embraces structure by arguing that there does exist a cyclical law of social change. Sarkar is also privileging the spiritual location and creation of identities and structures by positing that the end all of existence is spiritual realization.

The critical question in this perspective is not what is real, as with the comparative approach, but how is it real? How is Sarkar’s cosmology constituted? What are the values embedded in it? Given that language structures are complicit with the domains of power, we are then not surprised that Sarkar’s work is largely critical of the present and critical of the way we normally constitute our histories of the present. For him, history is the history of elites. The stories of the courage of the suppressed have been silenced, the victories that are told are those of the already powerful: the wealthy, the royal, and the keepers of the word, the various priests of knowledge.

He is thus critical of the reality of poverty and the poverty of our theories of reality. We can thus better understand how, Sarkar, for example, attempts to relocate the self away from our common understandings, that is, the self as related to status, income, body to a self located in spiritual consciousness eternally distanced from ego, time and space and at the same time a self located in all other selves, thus allowing for a discourse that enables compassion and activism.

For Sarkar, then, the reconstitution of spirituality becomes a defense against modernity and a purposeful effort to unite in the world with all other living beings, and thus as an effort to transform the withdrawn self of antiquity and the segmented self of modernity.

The examples above are only illustrative of the type of inquiry that one enters within the post-structuralist approach. This is not to say that we should abandon the other approaches. They too are important in gaining understandings of PROUT.

However, this approach is more enabling in that we better understand the social construction of PROUT and then create an epistemological space that results in richer interpretations of PROUT. For example, simply testing PROUT’s theory of history on various civilizations in the pursuit of an objective history forgets that one has a pre-understanding, and that this understanding is part of a politics–that objectivity is problematic, with subjectivity complicit in present domains of power.

Moreover, the post-structuralist approach is complimentary with other approaches such as the futures or the comparative by providing a larger structure for critical inquiry. For example, if we were to describe the culture, the political-economy or the historical place of a particular collectivity like the Philippines, we can create different levels of responses. The first is to revise Filipino history in terms of Sarkar’s eras, to see how the present has come to be within the language of PROUT; and at a different level of analysis, we can deconstruct this revision, that is, the notion of cycles, and we can discover how such a discursive practice results in various commitments to history, to the present, and to notions of a good society. In much the same way, the question how do the writings of Sarkar compare with the writings of great Islamic scholars, for example, Iqbal, can lead to various types of analysis. One can compare how they see themselves, how their writings deal with the problem of the present dominant system of modernity, that is, at their effort to develop counter hegemonic discourses and, at another level, we can see how they are constituted by present discourses, and how they have come to be. Thus, the various approaches are not exclusive.

The strength of the postmodern/poststructuralist inquiry is in focusing on how power is constituted in the real. Knowledge is thus seen not as neutrally derived but as central to the political negotiation of reality. Sarkar, of course, already attempts this when he argues that the type of knowledge interests one has are largely dependent on the larger power relations, on the particular cycle in history one might be in.

In terms of PROUT writers, Charles Paprocki5 has attempted this type of analysis when he argues that epistemology is related to the type of society one is in, capitalist or socialist, for example. Of course, these efforts have remained inarticulate to the significance of language structures in concealing power relations. Moreover, the post-modern approach has not been used to understand the texts of Sarkar itself, that is to deconstruct PROUT as well.

However, as with all approaches, this perspective too is problematic when taken alone. Continuous undoing of categories can lead to a paralysis of research and action, where no inquiry does not move forward because all is suspect, or because a worldview of postmodern nihilism takes over, wherein reality is seen as so malleable that the idea of a good society, of reducing oppression, cease to be possible.

BEYOND DISCOURSE

As important as asking what is after discourse, is – given the above privileging of discourse, of the argument that the world is created through language, and that in this imposition, power remains hidden and elusive – the prediscursive, the realm outside of language. Here we stand in a hermeneutic and phenomenological stance in that we are interpreting Sarkar’s work, attempting to engage in a dialog between PROUT and post-structuralism. For Sarkar, discursive analysis privileges the intellect, and reduces the spiritual, the transcendental to the relative, to a mere discourse. Sarkar, himself, argues for a spiritual knowledge interest; one that delegitimizes rationalistic qua modernity modes of knowing as well as intellectual qua mental ways of knowing. Sarkar would thus agree that the discursive approach is a critically important perspective and that language does create the world. This is why he and other mystics such as those of the Zen Buddhist tradition emphasize ways of knowing other than the intellect. For Sarkar, therefore, the post-structuralist effort is an activity contained within the arena of mind, the task then becomes to transcend mind through activities such as meditation, or through koans. Here the practitioner is forced out of mind; the self then no longer is constituted in ego, but in itself, in unmediated, inexpressible consciousness. The subject-object duality does not exist, rather there is a state of the unity of consciousness. In his words:

That which comes within the orbit of mind is but a relative truth, not an eternal truth and so it will come and go. Scriptures (texts) and mythologies are but stacks of bricks, they are only arranged in layers, carrying no significance or intrinsic value. So how can they describe the Transcendental Entity which is beyond the scope of the mental faculty. How then can this intuitional perspective be interpreted, which is beyond the compass of body, words and mind? Here both the teacher and disciple are helpless, because the subject, which is beyond the domain of any academic discourse and discussion, is simply inexplicable and inexpressible. Whatever said and discussed comes within the ambit of the mind and so it is a relative truth–true today and false tomorrow. That is why, the teacher becomes mute when he is asked to explain transcendental knowledge (the Buddha remained silent when asked if the Transcendental entity existed and equally silent when asked if it did not exist) and consequently the disciple, too, becomes deaf. So … in order to explain this profound mystery, there is no other alternative than to emulate the symbolic exchange of views between a deaf and a dumb person.6

The transcendental, then, is the realm of the prediscursive, a space that cannot be talked of, or listened too, for such an effort would evoke the discourses of the present, past, and future, that is, the discourses that transpire because of mind.
The counter response from the post-structuralist position is that the distinction being made is an ontological one, in terms of what is real. Discursive analysis constitutes itself by asking how has a particular practice become real, how has the view of a transcendental self emerged and what are its commitments. Thus, the purpose is not to engage in an ontological debate as to the nature of ultimate truth, but to seek to uncover the politics of ontology. By constituting the real as a discourse, we gain distance from past and present and future and thus see the real as human creation and thus contentious, that is, available for negotiation. It is because of the recognition of the primacy of discourse, and the effort to avoid this location, that both teacher and student remain in silence and thereby in a non-discursive space.

However, as to the nature of Being, the responses of course would vary. Different writers might argue that intrinsically, what is, is from the first to the last, within and without, meaningless, and thus all knowing efforts are projects of imposition, of the knower. The prediscursive is not the realm of the spiritual, but the realm of other possible discourses, ways of constructing what is. Alternatively, one might argue that one simply cannot know the ontological status of what is.

From Sarkar’s view, too, ultimately one can say nothing about the ultimate nature of being, except that any effort to say anything would be embedded in mind, in language and structure (time, place and subject), in relativity. The problem of the relationship between the absolute and the relative then becomes the key and unresolvable, by mind, issue. For once we define this nature (of Being), then, we, for the post-structuralist, simply create new categories, hierarchies, that is, models of existence, or what is commonly called philosophy. This is unavoidable since after the silence and the muteness, we (the teacher and student) still must return to discourse and recreate the world once again. We enter a discursive space; a space embedded in meaning, in language, in historical identity.

The task for Sarkar then becomes of privileging a spiritual discourse as for him one’s theoretical formulations become better in that they are created from a non-discursive space that is intuitional; intellect is placed within a larger epistemological framework. For Sarkar the nature of Being itself cannot be answered, since “the tongue cannot taste itself.” However, through action commitments, spiritual practices, more of the real can be accessible to the spiritual aspirant.

Upon expression then the discourse of the present, past, and future, of power then emerges, for in agreement with the post-structuralist, Sarkar asserts that once one speaks then one immediately constitutes oneself in mind, and thus in a particular power structure, in a discursive practice. For the post-structuralist committed to inquiry and analysis, certainly, the how of that constitution then becomes the critical and interesting question.

What this means for PROUTist inquiry is that even as PROUT makes truth-claims about the nature of the ideal social and political system, these claims must be bracketed in the knowledge episteme in which they were uttered. They should be understood and applied in their various contexts. This does not mean they are not “true” but rather that a complex mode of analysis must be used to understand PROUT and to articulate PROUT policy. Sarkar hints at this when he asserts that the real is time, place and person dependent.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, I have tried to show that there are different approaches to understanding a particular subject, a text, and that this effort of understanding is problematic. When we treat texts as unproblematic we affirm various discourses and our efforts remain bounded by these particular discourses at the expense of other discourses. Through attempts at inquiry, we can hopefully better see the problematic nature of our knowing efforts and thus engage in more enabling understandings of understanding.

The seven modes of inquiry articulated: applied, empirical, comparative, translation, framing, phenomenological and postmodern/poststructural, must be seen within a complex framework. It is thus important to note the context of one’s research, one’s epistemological biases, and be able to move in and out of various research perspectives, allowing each to inform the other, not becoming caught in hegemonic knowledge frame, remaining like PROUT itself comprehensive and complex.

 

NOTES
1. A version of this essay appears in Sohail Inayatullah, Situating Sarkar. Brisbane and Ananda Nagar, Gurukul Press, 1999. This essay is inspired by a series of conversations with Michael Shapiro as well as from a reading of his various works. See, for example, Political Language and Understanding New Haven, Yale University Press, 1981 and The Politics of Representation Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin Press, 1988.

2. See Ravi Batra, The Downfall of Capitalism and Communism. London, Macmillan Press, 1978 and Tim Anderson, The Liberation of Class. Calcutta, Proutist Universal Publications, 1985.

3. See Sohail Inayatullah, “The Futures of Cultures: Present Images, Past Visions, and Future Hopes,” in Eleonora Masini, James Dator, and Sharon Rodgers, eds. The Futures of Development. Beijing, China, UNESCO, 1991 and “PROUT in the Context of Alternative Futures,” Cosmic Society (October, 1988).

4. P. R. Sarkar, A Few Problems Solved Vol. 6. Trans. Acarya Vijayananda Avadhuta and Acarya Anandamitra Avadhutika. Calcutta, Ananda Marga Publications, 1988, 17.

5. See Charles Paprocki, “On PROUTist Methodology,” (unpublished paper, 1981).

6. P. R. Sarkar, Subhasita Samgraha. Anandanagar, Ananda Marga Publications, 1975, 114-115.

Civilization, Leadership and Inclusive Democracy (1999)

By Sohail Inayatullah

In the context of civilizational approaches to economy and polity, this essay explores models of leadership. These models include: the taoist-sage; the tantric-sadvipra; the islamic-caliph and the western-liberal. The potential of these ideal-types to decline to evil is discussed, particularly when they evolve outside of democracy and inclusiveness. Leadership is considered the link in creating institutions that are committed to all future generations.


DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT

The drive from Kuala Lumpur’s Subang Jaya airport to the city is, as with most big-city capitals, not something to email home about. But on this highway, there is a sign standing high above that is stunning. Standing tall in the sky are the neon-lit words VISION 2020.

While initially one might suspect that the Malaysian state is concerned about the eyesight of its citizens or that a corporation has taken out a major advertisement for better eyeware; in fact, the logos represents the vision of Malaysia’s future, its concerted drive to industrialdom. Even with the current financial crisis, the target appears in sight. As with other Tigers the reasons for success are many. For Lee Kuan Yew, former Prime Minister of newly anointed industrial state Singapore, and now roving Asian wise man, they are the following: (1) a non-litigious culture, wherein conflicts between individuals and cultures can be quickly and preferably administratively resolved; (2) an external dynamo which helps transfer technology, management and expertise (earlier the US and now Japan); (3) dramatic land reform ending feudalism; (4) a philosophical worldview focused on this world and not the here-after (leading to high savings instead of immediate consumption, to a culture of engineering instead of a culture of philosophers); (5) a competitive export economy; and (6) non-representative democracy.

Surprisingly enough, democracy, as in one-person, one-vote is listed as one of the impediments in pulling oneself out of poverty, in creating a better world for future generations. Partly this is so since in feudal states, the landowning class yields disproportional coercive power. As Lee Kuan Yew states, “It is more difficult for democratic government, elected by groups which includes landlords who themselves become powerful political players in the game, to bring about such a transformation.”

The power of a particular class is augmented by the lack of a unified political culture. One-man, one-vote wherein the majority vote to suppress the minority leads to disaster, especially when the minority is a creative minority committed to future generations.

Democracy is also disastrous when basic prerequisites are not met. Bangladesh, for example, is considered a democratic success story. Yet votes are routinely bought, attendance at political rallies is based on financial sponsorship, and the democratic process has led to endemic strikes. As one Bangladeshi says: “Forget politics. Forget voting. All we want is the money to feed our families.” But for the elite, democracy is necessary to assuage foreign institutions like the International Monetary Fund and to ensure the spoils of victory lead to government jobs. Writer Andrew Robinson in his piece titled “Who Says Democracy is Good for Bangladesh? Foreigners” concludes that “American concepts of democracy and economic freedom have as much resonance in the Bangladeshi psyche of today as they might have in the 18th century. Or the last millennium.” Democracy can thus function best where there is a sense of a shared community but when groups contest that very framework, the system cannot work. As Lee Kuan Yew says: “When people challenge whether they are a part of the system, how can the system work?”

But can anything then be done for Third World nations, whose borders have been administratively drawn up by departing colonial powers and where landlords and/or the military remain the ruling elite, where a civil society has not yet burgeoned? Is creating the possibility that one’s children will be better off an impossible dream? Not only for the Third World is the lack of unity a problem, disparate multiciplicities have become a defining part of the global postmodern condition. We do not have a global community, and as the West continues to self-fracture, liberalism as a guiding ideology of the next century appears in doubt.

LEADERSHIP AND COHESION

But for Lee Kuan Yew wise leadership can create political and cultural cohesion. Leadership combined with an appropriate worldview (focused on this-world, on future generations) and the desire and appropriate institutional structures to help acquire skills, knowledge and technology can create miracles. To change cultural behaviors and in-grained historical attitudes (even behavior such as spitting) one needs “a determined leadership and a population with a certain sense of community and a consensus,” argues Lee Kuan Yew

Yet, an analysis of the globe as a political unit or the many nations of the inter-state framework will quickly reveal that those three factors–leadership, community and consensus–are missing. How can we then hope or expect the world of tomorrow to be any better than today?

Malaysia and Singapore are well on their way partly because of the absence of representative democracy. This does not mean the State is unresponsive, indeed, political life is active. But for all practical purposes there is a one-party system run largely by one ethnic group. In Malaysia it is the Malays. Indians and Chinese have access to capital and culture but political power remains autocratic albeit shared among a small elitist community. VISION 2020 has partly been about expanding the community to include others in the context of an expanding pie. However, unskilled migrant workers have recently found out that during economic downtimes this does not include them (it is deportation that awaits them). Singapore silences the issues of ethnicity and difference by opting for Confucian modernity. Even though it is a parliamentary democracy, there is no functioning opposition.

Eschewing democracy has not meant that future generations have been impoverished. Indeed, the opposite has occurred. Perhaps one anecdote says it all. In a meeting with foreign experts decades ago, the visiting delegation asked Asians what help they desired. In contrast to other nations, which asked for nuclear power, so as to become modern and provide security for their own future generations, Malaysia asked for assistance in developing and exporting rubber, for creating the bases of wealth development. Thus while other nations such as Pakistan and India focused on the politics of the curse, on resolving ancient and recent blood scores, Malaysia (and Singapore) invested in education and health systems, in the needs of future generations.

The commitment to future generations is so strong that Malaysia’s population policy ends up being antithetical to India’s. While India is facing the demanding task of reducing its population, Malaysia is attempting to increase its. For Malaysia, more people “means more workers and consumers for more products and services.” This is partly explained by its triple Asian heritage (Islam, Hinduism and Confucianism/Buddhism), as well as by the politics of people, most likely the Malay Muslim-led government wanting more of its own type.

FUTURE GENERATIONS-ORIENTATION

Singapore, Malaysia and other Tigers thus come out positive with respect to future generations-orientation. However, from an environmental and social justice framework they do not do so well. Central to industrial growth has been the use of non-renewable resources such as forests for quick economic growth. The process of development has also endangered the survival of tribal peoples. Their cultural metaphors, their gifts to past and future, are now problematic. Thus these Tigers are future generation-oriented in the sense of creating wealth which then can lead to a higher standard of living, with better physical infrastructure, and greater disposable income. However they are not future generations-oriented with respect to preserving the ecology of nature and culture (with including the other).

But future generations-orientation should not only be seen as environment preservation-oriented, it is also growth-oriented. When judging future orientation of a nation or collectivity we thus need to ask not only is the current generation robbing future generations by using physical resources (the traditional environmental argument) and borrowing from the future (the national debt) but also if the current generation is limiting the choices of future generations by forcing them into poverty, that is, by not following economic policies and practices that encourage the formation of wealth, that break up feudal landholdings and inefficient State bureaucracies. We must thus also be concerned if current generations doom future generations to poverty by remaining in traditional ossified cultures and structures.

Futures generations discourse should be as much about the transformation of current conditions as it is about creating sustainability. Among other projects, future generations discourse must be about new models of development/growth.

Elsewhere, we have argued for a model that uses as its central metaphor, prama, that is dynamic balance. Only focusing on balance or harmony, while environmentally sound, is often conservative. Only focusing on transformation, ignores the dimensions of past that must be returned to so as to create the future. Prama means a dynamic balance between past and future, between the sectors of the economy (agricultural, manufacturing and information) as well as between the dimensions of the self (physical, mental and spiritual) and of theory (theories that address material and spiritual factors instead of only focusing on the former or latter).

However, while we can be critical of Malaysia and other Tigers for excluding issues of environment and culture, still, they rank much higher than South Asian countries where future generations thinking is non-existent: survival, the politics of the past, environmental degradation, corruption, are the norm. Savings are low because money is spent on day-to-day survival, on conspicuous consumption, and on bribing local officials. There is no agreed upon national collective project. Moreover, as Lee Kuan Yew argues, whereas South Asia excels at ideational or philosophical based systems, issues of growth have been less important–Allah, Nirvana and Moksa stand as the true goals. Indian philosophy, in particular, focused not on artha (economic gain) or even on kama (pleasure) but on dharma (virtue) and moksa (individual liberation from the cycle of life).

But attaining dharma has not been a facile task. It has become particularly more difficult in modern times. Moral behavior is considered the most desirable, yet because of the structure of South Asian society few are able to act in a virtuous manner. What results is a devaluation of culture and identity as one cannot meet the demands of one’s value system. Morality remains the goal but instrumental power politics and competitive market pressures force immoral actions. The result is cultural denial (our civilization has no problems since it is God-centered) or cultural escape to the West (since structural transformation is impossible). What is passed on to future generations is a deep inferiority complex often masquerading as moral superiority. While the rhetoric of following the Shariah (Quranic law) might continue, more often than not it is used as a weapon against others, not as a civilizational ethos to better self and other.

But what about OECD nations? How might we judge them from the view of future generations-orientation. Western nations, as opposed to Third World countries, which envision futures based on desired and imagined histories, have perfected the art of the short view. Instead of saving for a rainy day, buy and spend now is the organizing ideology of liberal capitalism. Instead of protecting the environment, grow and pollute, clean up later! Instead of using material that are long lasting, that are soft on the Earth, use the materials that are the cheapest, irrespective of long term impacts, remain usual practices. And even though the language of internationalism, of democracy for all, is used, the world is not seen as a family, the West is seen as morally superior with the hordes of East and South threatening the American and European way. Essentially capitalist, that is creatively destructive, sustainability is a misnomer–except amongst the rising Green movement–since the natural is constantly reinvented. Problems are not owned, rather they are exported to nature and the Third World, and when pervasive, left on the alter of technology to solve.

Thus while all East Asian nations–with the dramatic exception of China–can be seen as committed to future generations (focused on education, the needs of children) partly because of their Confucian heritage, the model of development they have followed is inimical to nature and sustainable economics. Moreover, like the West they export their problems (often back to the West), however, they have managed to become industrial without becoming democratic. They have followed a different path to modernity, to excellence. As one Western writer notes about Chinese art, “For human happiness, democracy may be all very well; but for the visual arts, nothing beats 4,000 years of rigorous bureaucratic feudalism presided over by a lofty elite of scholars with a divine emperor on top.” Their economic success has forced the world to examine their culture and history with new eyes, with eyes not distorted by European hegemony. Among the results of this re-examination is a transformation of the idea of the future to the notion of future generations, to a familial, collective, intergenerational, cyclical view of temporality and culture. The linear theory of history, democracy and development, where all nations must travel the same road to modernity is no longer seen as universally valid.

THE SAGE AND DEMOCRACY

Democracy then should not be seen as a precursor to future generations-oriented governance. Governance for future generations based on the East Asian political model rejects representative democracy as practised in the Western liberal democracies. The model that appears to allow for future generations thinking is the Paternal “Father Knows Best” or rule of the wise person.

More important than liberal democracy is a unified vision of the future of the nation. The nation is constructed as a family, the corporation as an extended family, with the fundamental mission of the family being the creation of moral wealth for generations to come. It is not just wealth for wealth’s sakes but wealth as part of the drive towards the ideal virtuous person and leader. The strong leader, and the absence of a strong parliament and opposition, allow short term gains to be sacrificed for the long term. In the case of Singapore, this is philosophically legitimated through the idea of the Sage-King as developed in the works of Confucius and Chinese macrohistorian Ssu-Ma Chien. The sage-king, it is argued, is in harmony with the finer forces of the universe, with the principles of yin/yang. Reflecting both the ideal of the Tao–the way of virtue–and the wishes of subjects, he can best lead his people. The sage-king is not subject to short-term concerns and thus can be future generations-oriented. Short-term concerns are emotional, but the sage-king is wise. He is wise but as he is a king, that is, has coercive and persuasive authority, he also can ensure that his policies are implemented.

However, remaining a king is not a guarantee to perpetual power. The sage-king must act humbly, must reflect the wishes of heaven, must honor ancestors–he must reflect the tao and the people. “The sage has no mind of his own. He takes as his own the mind of the people,” says Lao-Tsu in the Tao-Te-Ching. Linking the idea of the sage with modernist democracy, South Korean political scientist Sang-min Lee makes this stunning observation. “For practicing democracy, above all politicians and people should become democratic persons. Because the self belongs to the social individual, personality is connected to sociality. …The object of democracy shall be self perfection based on the awakening of the self. [The] awakening self means that the individual accepts the subject of self-regulating opinion. Self-perfection is the same as the subject of conscious behavior, namely, a man of virtue,” The leadership represents the collective good, not necessarily the good of the individual. However, and this is key, the leader represents the higher or wise nature of the individual. If the sage forgets this, that is become maniacal, eventually he will lose his power. Unfortunately as in the case of Mao, the cost was the life of millions of people, alerting us to the limits of collectivist thought and more significantly to the problem of delinking spiritual thought from political matters–Mao found Stalin far more inspiring than Lao-tsu. Mao’s vision was not a balance of heaven or earth or of yin and yang but an exaggeration of male extroversial power.

THE BALANCED MIND

But it is not just from the ancient Chinese thought where we are offered a model focused on leadership and the wise sage. Indian philosopher P.R. Sarkar gives us a similar entry into a leader who can be future generations-oriented. Far more sophisticated than Ssu-ma Chien’s sage-king is Sarkar’s sadvipra. While we are unable to translate this sanskrit word into English, it roughly means the virtuous intellectual, the pure or good or moral intellectual. Sarkar’s ideal leadership is based on the complete mind, one that has the characteristics of physical, protective, intellectual, and financial service to others. Thus the ideal leader must be service-oriented, courageous, intelligent-visionary and comprehend the material world of resources. He imagines sadvipra leadership as primarily moral and social leadership, less concerned with government but more with ensuring that society has a direction, a vision, that the rules are fair, that humans treat each other well.

Sarkar’s leadership thus is an attempt to mix physical power, cultural power, and economic power into a new type of political power. Sarkar sees these leaders as foresight-oriented, that is, they anticipate the movement of the social era–the movement of history through various epochs–and as exploitation begins, they help bring about the next cycle. Sarkar imagines this cycle as rotating between worker (or brute, chaotic) power, warrior (or expansionist) power, ideational (or the rule of priests or technocrats) power and capital (capitalism) power. Each epoch transforms the social conditions of the previous era. The church (intellectuals) wrested power from monarchies (warriors), for example. Capitalism has reduced the power both of priests and of ideologies, constructs of intellectuals. But the cycle in itself cannot be transformed, that is, a perfect society is not possible, only a good society, where the periods of exploitation gradually decrease. The eschewing of the perfect society is important as it allows an escape hatch. The search for perfection is partly the inability to deal with difference, with chaos and complexity. The cost of perfection is a collectivism, a tyranny of the mass, under the direction of an imperial leader. Both Islamic and Western political theory have been burdened by the ideal of perfection. For muslims, the Medina State at the time of the Prophet represents the ideal polity. Unfortunately, the Prophet’s later successors used the structure of the State without engaging in shura (consultation) and ijma (consensus) that the Prophet and the rightly-guided caliphs did. All sorts of authoritarian rule, all sorts of horrors were justified by rulers because of the ideal of perfection. As El-Affendi argues: “By setting unattainable standards, it was easy to pass from the conclusion that perfection was impossible to the claim that all imperfect situations were equal

…Classical (Islamic) theory then gave advice on how to tolerate tyranny.” Islamic political theory did not offer any recommendation on how to dislodge the caliph. Since the caliph (ruler) came to represent perfection, all others were by definition less pious than him. Tyranny was authorized and the pious waited endlessly for the saint to deliver. The result was passive ineptitude instead of the development of institutions that could mediate evil, structures that allowed the community to resist tyranny without resorting to violent assassinations. Western political theory has had similar problems but at a broader level. While the Enlightenment gave rights to ordinary citizens, it did not remove the racial basis for the rise of the West.

Democracy was fine for the few, particularly those in the West. Others could be eliminated, enslaved, colonized and developed. Perfection as heaven has been theoretically achieved with liberal democracy, the task is merely to fill in the technical details. History thus ends with modernity since all others have been judged by the blinded eye of the West as apriori inferior, backward. It is this distorted imagination of the Other that results from a particularistic but universally applied view of the perfection society.

However, in Indian philosophy, it has been the perfection of the self, and not society, that has been the project. Sarkar combines this traditional organizing variable with the modernist call for social transformation and imagines the concept of the sadvipra. While the sadvipra certainly struggles against anarchist, monarchist, theological or capitalist forces (depending on the epoch), since there is no perfect society to be created, there is less of a possibility of the persecution of the other in the name of a grand ideology. But the sadvipra, while a grass roots leader, does have official standing. This is quite different to the shaman, the person outside of all knowledge categories. Much like the taoist, the shaman threatens the stability of common sense interpretations of life, work and love, by locating reality on the boundaries, by interrogating official power and language. For Sarkar, destabilization is only one of the activities of the sadvipra, much more is demanded of her/him.

Leadership is not solitary but articulated in the context of society. For Sarkar society is the family. It is a family moving together on a pilgrimage. “Society is like a batch of pilgrims that gather a strange power of mind in travelling together and with its help, solve all the problems of their individual and social life.”

In this sense, following the East Asian model, society is the family writ large. It is thus not surprising that Sarkar, like East Asians, does not believe that overpopulation is the central problem of the future (seeing it as a symptom of global imbalance of the use of material, intellectual and spiritual resources). Where Sarkar and Lee Kuan Yew might differ is that Sarkar would place far more emphasis on the cooperative economic system, while Lee would focus on multinationals and the State as drivers of change. For Lee, it is technocrats guided by Confucian morality that must rule, not sadvipra.

While Chinese political theory places the scholar above other categories raising him to kingship, as with Ssu-Ma Chien’s sage king, and while Indian political theory has been the struggle between the ksattriyan (warrior) and the brahmin (priest) as to who should rule , that is, who can lead society forward, Sarkar comes to a different conclusion. The ksattriya in itself is incomplete as his focus is only on technological and territorial expansion, on protective and coercive power, while the brahmin is incomplete in that his focus is only on theory-building, on ideas, on cultural power. A more complete form of leadership is needed; leadership with the complete and balanced mind.

THE FEAR OF TYRANNY

For Western thinkers–instead of assuming that man was good/sage-like, balanced between yin and yang, between the eternal natural principles or in a struggle between vidya and avidya (internal and external influences as with Sarkar)–the assumption was that men were evil, that power led to corruption. The fear of monarchy, of rule by the one, led to the creation of power sharing institutions and collective leadership. Through intermediate powers, the possibility of authoritarian rule was reduced. Authoritarian rule, it was argued, would, even if it claimed allegiance to future generations, more often than not follow policies aimed at maintaining State power (l’etat, c’est moi). Confucian thought alternatively has focused on the cyclical nature of leadership. Leadership begins as wise but over time it degenerates. Evil is a part of life, of history. Ultimately, however, the wise leader returns and the relationship between men and between men and Nature, and men and heaven is set right. The issue is not to reduce the power of the leader through intermediate governing bodies as in liberal democracy but to develop pedagogy that creates wise individuals, pedagogy that ensures that learning and governance remain unified. Indian political thought, in contrast, has been focused not so much on treatises as to how to govern as in Machiavelli’s The Prince or Kautilya’s Arthashastras, but with social and moral responsibility, what is the right thing to do so that individual enlightenment can be achieved.

For Sarkar, the Western model, while the lesser of evils, does not provide a solution to capitalist hegemony, that is with the social good. One-person, one-vote degenerates into one-dollar, one-vote, or one-bullet, one-vote. Money and power are used to distort elections such that even though there is official participation, the ultimate winner (in this epoch) is always the capitalist class. Democracy cannot be understood separately from capitalism, believes Sarkar. What is required is for the curtailing of capitalist power. A sadvipra-led society, that is, a society where the social and the spiritual dominate governmental power, could accomplish the transformation of capitalism. It would do this by locating democracy at the economic level (encouraging worker’s democracy, the cooperative system) and setting up electoral colleges where political franchise would be a right, but one granted after appropriate education focused on literacy and critical thought. While imaginative and far-reaching, the practical problems with creating sadvipras make Sarkar’s work appear fantastic, not realizable.

But from two different perspectives, we do gain similar commitments. For future-generations-oriented governance, leadership is central. Leadership is not necessarily democratic. In Lee Kuan Yew’s successful model, democracy is a hindrance, while in Sarkar’s theoretical model, it is clearly not the ideal state since it cannot move the social cycle forward. Democracy, while avoiding tyranny, also eliminates wisdom.

THE JUDICIAL BRANCH

But we do need to remain in these perhaps idiosyncratic non-Western models to continue our argument. Dator, for example, has argued (and found supporting evidence) that in the United States, the judicial branch is often the most future-oriented precisely because it is not bogged down with issues of re-election, with the necessity of making decisions that are immediately positive. The judicial branch can play the role of prophet, can make unpopular (but future generations sensitive) decisions, and not risk less of immediate power and long term authority. Recent reports on the Indian Supreme Court support this view as well. In Indian politics, issues of corruption, environment, caste prejudice, human rights have been intractable. No party or government has been able to make any progress. However, with the Indian Supreme Court becoming an activist court (to use the language of American judicial system) suddenly problems that appeared unsolvable are being solved. As Peter Waldman writes: “Court action in such matters as cleansing the nation’s air, rivers and blood supply to commandeering a bribery investigation of high public officials [give] India a singular advantage over rival countries in the global-development race.” Their decisions are not democratic but they are responsive, they are fair, and they are considered legitimate, certainly able to concretely benefit future generations unlike the myopic party-politics of the Executive and Parliament. It is this last criteria that is central. In the Pakistan case, the Supreme Court was not democratic but neither was it considered fair or legitimate. It consistently approved of executive decisions even when they blatantly violated human rights. Popular opinion over time stopped supporting that court since it lost its legitimacy, what Chinese thinkers would term the mandate of heaven.

LEADERSHIP AS THE LINK

Leadership, to use the ideals of our exemplars above, becomes the linking factor in creating future-oriented governance. In Creating a New History for Future Generations , Kim and Dator argued that participants at a conference on the needs of future generations tended to either focus on issues of consciousness or issues of structure. Those along the consciousness camp focused on increasing awareness of the needs of future generations (of the environment, of culture, of the weak); while those of the structure camp suggested that these ideals must be institutionalised, in, for example, a court of future generations.

Structure is concerned with institutionalizing ideas and behavior. It guarantees repeatability, thus equal opportunity, since it routinizes individual decisionmaking. Consciousness is focused on individual attitudes. It calls for a rupture in history, in structure, arguing that it is in our minds that transformation is possible. Leadership points to the possibility of transformation by individual example and through action that coalesces persons and groups so that attitudinal change is possible, so that new structures can be built. Leadership is the link then between structural and consciousness transformation.

LEADERSHIP
myth and inspiration

STRUCTURE CONSCIOUSNESS
institutions and repeated behaviors ideas and attitudes

In John Gardner’s landmark study on leadership, he identifies numerous crucial criteria of a leader that are useful for this discussion.
(1) They think longer term–beyond the horizon;
(2) They think in holistic terms, understanding complexity;
(3) They reach and influence constituents beyond their jurisdiction, beyond conventional boundaries and categories;
(4) They put heavy emphasis on the intangible of vision, values and motivation and understand intuitively the non-rational and unconscious elements in the leader-constituent interaction;
(5) They have the political skill to cope with the conflicting requirements of multiple constituencies, and;
(6) They think in terms of renewal. The leader seeks the revisions of process and structure required by ever-changing reality.

Certainly we could paraphrase this as saying that leadership must be future-generations oriented. Particularly from an Asian sense where the leader is a paternal/maternal category, where the leader has responsibility for others and only indirectly to others.

Perhaps it is not so much that democracy is the problem but that leadership is the answer. Wise leadership provides the possibility for the long term to not be mortgaged; it allows for dreams and visions to become institutions. It nurtures attitudes so that they become widespread. But perhaps most importantly leadership can draw talent and excellence, helping create new know-ware.

Gardener discusses how the great leader ensures that around them are even more leaders, that is ensures that his or her power does not become myopic, self-absorbed. “All too often they [leaders] recruit individuals who have as their prime qualities an unswerving loyalty to the boss and no power base of their own that would make insubordination feasible. When those criteria prevail, what might have been a leadership stems becomes, all too often, a rule clique or a circle of sycophants.” But that type of leadership would not be able to create institutions or consciousness transformations. What is needed is the ability of activating widening circles of supplementary leadership. Such an extended network reaching out from the leadership centre carries messages both ways. It can be equally effective in letting the intentions of leadership be known or in receiving a broad range of advice and advocacy.”

EVIL AND LEADERSHIP

But even then leadership can be fascist, as proponents of individual responsibility remind us. Lee’s model can be authoritarian, Sarkar’s model can easily decline into a rule of ayatollahs (becoming Maoist, calling for revolutions to maintain their own power instead of curbing exploitation or imposing their own “complete mind” on us lesser souls), and Gardner’s model would do little to prevent the fascism of the former Yugoslavia.

This becomes the central problem. Taking Gardner’s categories or categories from futures literature, the issue of evil is not adequately addressed. For example, Richard Slaughter describes four reasons why thinking about the future is essential: (1) Decisions have long-term consequences; (2) Future alternatives imply present choices; (3) Forward thinking is preferable to crisis management; and, (4) Further transformations are certain to occur.

We can add other statements that are valorized in the futures discourse. “The future is something we should be concerned with since it has been taken away from us,” “unless we create the future it will be created by others,” or “the future must be recovered from the homogenizing spaces of modernity.”

While at one level these are quite reasonable organizing principles futurists are committed to, these are also the platform for the Serbian Socialist party, which was instrumental in recent ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia. Nazi leaders would also find these issues unproblematic. Indeed, Wendell Bell argues that the origins of the futures field are partly with the “social engineering in the early days of Communist Russia, fascist Italy and Nazi Germany.” Certainly thinking about the future or even future generations is not a sufficient criteria for a good society, nor is leadership.

The strength in democracy is that it allows other voices to peacefully find expression. Its patience, always settling on the mediocre, prevents the monstrous. The weakness in leadership models, even those that advocate servant leadership is that in the quest for transformation, oppositional voices are often forgotten or co-opted through charismatic manipulation. Authoritarian systems indeed are more future-oriented than liberal, individualistic, short-term oriented democratic societies. However, whether socialist or fascist or religious, their commitment to future generations is accompanied by a cost, often the exclusion of other future generations. Indicted Serbian war criminal Dragoslav Bokan, who gained fame by forcing Croat civilians to walk through minefields, and gunning down those who refused, says that “All I care is how much I can use my influence with the young to inspire future Serb generations.”

INCLUSIVENESS

This then becomes the next crucial criteria: inclusiveness of the other (a deep democracy perhaps, not a shallow liberalism). Not “more of us and fewer of them” but a future generations-orientation that brings in other diverse cultures and viewpoints. Future orientation or future generations-orientation is then not enough of a call for transformation since groups desire to expand their own culture and curtail the world of other’s. Fortunately in Sarkar’s model, inclusiveness is central. While Cosmic Consciousness is a given (and thus for secularists his perspective is not all that inclusive), Sarkar argues for a vision of the future where our commitments are towards all humans, plants and animals, a neo-humanism. “In human society, nobody is insignificant, nobody is negligible. Even the life of a 100 year-old lady is valuable. In the universal society, she is an important member – she is not to be excluded. We may or may not be able to make a correct appraisal of her importance and we may wrongly think that she is a burden to society, but this sort of defective thinking displays our ignorance.” But not just humans have rights, believes Sarkar. “The Universe does not consist only of human beings; other creations, other animals and plants also have the right to live. So our universe is not only the universe of humans but the universe of all–for all created entities, both animate and inanimate.”

Future generations means all future generations, not just, those that are healthy, that fit into our definitions of normality or, as in our earlier case, Serbian (or Croat, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, secularist) future generations. Inclusiveness becomes the safety mechanism that balances leadership and the parental, wise-person, governance model (what democracy tries to do in Western industrial societies). Without that, we have the politics of Iraqi Saddam Hussain or Serbian Slobodan Milosevic, where historical metaphors are used to create a visionary politics of the future that denies all but one’s own group rights. Hussain appropriates Salauddin, the heroic Muslim leader, and Milosevic evokes the Serbian defeat in the battle of Kosovo in 1389 as a rallying cry. Both use the past as symbols for recreating a new future that is visionary, mythic, participatory, authentic and long-term oriented. They break with the present recovering values silenced by instrumental modernity. But we can ask: isn’t this the platform of every progressive NGO? However, while apparently both leaders at the surface can be seen as futurist leaders, when placed alongside the issue of inclusiveness, they fall short. Milosevic, but not Hussain, even meets Gardner’s criteria of creating a second level leadership around him. Indeed, it is this second-level leadership that directly participated in the massive ethnic cleansing of Muslims throughout the former Yugoslavia, as mentioned earlier.

Moving away from a modernist concern for explaining society, the issue becomes how are symbols used for political purposes. At one level Confucianism explains the rise of Singapore (as do other contesting theories such as world systems theory which locates Singapore in the changing world capitalist economy); however, at another level, such a reading only reifies social phenomena. Confucianism–meaning respect for tradition, hierarchy, political leadership, education, care for the entire group–was evoked by Lee Kuan Yew so as to create a cohesive nation.

Since there always was historical allegiance to it in Singapore it was possible to gain quick legitimation. However, Taiwanese democrats have been arguing that Confucianism is not in any sense the only choice, the prearranged future.

Concerned more with breaking away from China, they evoke democratic theory. Confucianism would call on Taiwan to respectfully follow the path of the mainland and not contest its leadership, whereas through democratic theory, alternative frames of sovereignty are possible. Taiwan can choose if she wishes to remain part of China. Similarly, student leaders in Beijing evoked not Confucius but the American statute of liberty in their quest for transformation. Mao evoked Marx, Lenin and Stalin in his revolution. Milosevic evokes past defeats to create a Serbian nationalism so as to gain land and power. Sarkar wishing for transformation within hinduism and world materialism articulates a spiritual concept of leadership that can resonate with Tantric/Vedic history. Each uses past and futures to create alternative renderings of what can be.

Ideologies, traditions, and futures are thus not only explanatory factors but symbols used by leaders for their own normative purposes. Certainly, Lee Kuan Yew might have used a different ideology if he was in current Taiwan’s position. Indeed, in a recent interview in Time magazine, Lee Kuan yew argues for a modernized Confucianism, reminding that the best antidote to corruption is not wisdom or tradition but transparent government. “There are certain weaknesses in Confucianism. From time to time in the history of China, whenever there was weak government and favorities, Confucianism led to nepotism and favoritism.

Conscious of that, we have established checks through an open, transparent system, where aberrations can be spotted, highlighted and checked.”

FUTURE GENERATIONS DISCOURSE

Future generations thinking to articulate its own non-Western, amodern, politics of the future evokes the importance of inter-generational solidarity and unity with ancestors. Cyclical notions of time, premodern time, are also evoked. While at one level, one can barely argue with such a position, especially when the sentiment of indigenous peoples views on history are evoked. However, in both the Hussain and Milosevic cases, the misery of their ancestors, the cycle of history, is one of the direct reasons why others are currently eliminated. As S.P. Kumar argues, they exist in epistemologies in which the ontology of the curse is effectively functioning.

The love of one’s ancestors is thus not necessarily an organizing principle that can guarantee a bright future for humanity as a Confucian future generations-orientation discourse might argue. More often than not, the curses of the past are used to ensure that future generations will be even more miserable. But returning to the Yugoslav case, just because Croat fascists killed Serbs fifty years ago, does not mean that Serbs now have the right to slaughter Croats of this generation. The ideal of a united Yugoslavia was an inclusive State in which ethnicity was forgotten for the larger nation. However, with the break up of Yugoslavia, local leaders used the politics of fear and the past to derail inclusiveness and create a polity of imagined ethnic purity. Fear of the other was the potent force to guarantee an electoral mandate. The result was the victory of the politics of the short-term, of barbarism.

Inclusiveness is a long term struggle and project. But all of us place limits on the other. Inclusiveness, in the form of bilingualism, for example, as we learn from United States House of Representatives Newt Gingrich is dangerous to the future of the American state. It threatens the nation-state, since it challenges the stability of one language, one people, one text, and one vision. By bringing in cultural chaos and complexity, the success of the US as a melting pot is imperiled. Caucasians, as the real indigenous Americans, are under threat of losing their way of life to Hispanics, African-Americans, and Asian Americans.

Perhaps Gingrich is right. Multi-culturalism does threaten the nation-state. Malaysia and Singapore, as well as other Tigers, have partly succeeded by sublimating the race and language issue, by exporting Otherness out of the country. Economic growth that leads to enduring benefits for all culture’s future generations has been a priority. The hope is that from Malay, Chinese, and Indian, a new Malaysian identity can emerge. Culture is allowed at the level of mosque, temple, church in terms of religious preferences but English has become the language of business and Malay the language of the polity. Once industrialdom is reached, these silenced issues will sneak back in. Tamils and Chinese will want their cultural categories largely quieted in the rush to development, placed on the nation-building agenda. Will VISION 2020 then be able to continue? Hopefully by then Malaysia’s leaders will embark on a VISION 2050 that focuses on cultural diversity and globality as the central pillars of a post-industrial society, where the richness of many leads to the development of greater regional and planetary unity. But this level of post-nation building thinking is lost on Lee Kuan Yew and others. Homogeneity leading to economic wealth has been the mission. The future cost will be the soft fascist state where a standard of living is achieved, where there will be a happiness criteria, what one commentator has called the future as a grinning mouse. Singapore will be a socially engineered disneyland. Future generations might be happy that they were given education, health, housing and wealth but it will be in museums where they will have to go to see difference, since all culture will have been engineered.

CONCLUSION

Future generations thinking that includes the cultural, the global, the other that is balanced is needed. But it is too easy to state platitudes about desirable states, ignoring the problem of evil. This said, there is a great deal that future generations-orientation does add to current perspectives.

Among its important contributions is how population is perceived. In liberalism, individuals are not seen as resources, as brains, as spiritual beings that can contribute to the world, but as machines that create problems, as future drug addicts or mass murderers (especially the Third World within and without the West). Future Generations thinking rethinks population and thus it is important. Based on a Confucian Asian heritage, it brings back the idea of the larger extended family as the guiding metaphor. It also brings back the idea of moral and wise leadership as a way to harmonize the many types of power (in Sarkar’s model) or as a way of creating a brighter economic future (in Lee’s model). But for future generations thinking to have any impact, it will have to go beyond futuristic platitudes, since these are useful for sinner and saint alike, indeed, fascists tend to be more futuristic than liberal democrats, since liberals focuses only on short-term market forces.

Future generations thinking will have to be inclusive if it is to be of any importance to the current world crises. Being inclusive means both global and culturally rich, finding ways for a global conversations of cultures and of finding unity among the differences that we are. What this means is a commitment to chaos and complexity, to order and disorder, and to emergence, to the view that something other than who we are today can emerge. Whether this means post-human sapiens is debatable, but it does mean post-war human sapiens, post-genocidal humans. Structural institutions such as a court for future generations (as well as strengthening of the World Court, particularly the war crimes commission) are necessary conditions in the march to a future generations-oriented governance. Without these we will continue to be left with human carnage. One Red Cross official describes her memories of the damage man’s inhumanity towards man can do (in this case referring to the problem of land mines): “You see a woman working in the fields, trying to hoe her crops, and she has no legs. She is up to her waist in mud.”

Changing our attitudes from a focus on the present, on the short term, to the longer term is also a necessary condition. Nurturing leadership that can coalesce consciousness and structure–and is concerned with growth and distribution, environment and culture, and that is inclusive and global–is the necessary and sufficient condition. Examining these concepts in terms of how power uses the past and future for its own status-quo is the safety hatch.

Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar’s Social Cycles, World Unity and Peace (1996)

By Johan Galtung, dr hc mult, Professor of Peace Studies;
Universitaet Witten/Herdecke, European Peace University,
Universitetet i Tromsoe; Director, TRANSCEND: A Peace Network

Introduction: On Sarkar at 75

We are honoring a great thinker and a great practitioner. I have chosen to honor him as a great macro-historian, focusing on his theory of social cycles and their implications for world unity and peace. In my view he certainly ranks up there with other macro-historians like Smith and Marx, Toynbee and Sorokin. But, given the ethnocentrism of the USA and Europe Sarkar will not easily make it into textbooks and courses civilization. For one thing, the West quotes itself on matters concerning the West; and Sarkar gets straight to the core of our history with a scheme so simple, unashamedly universal and so evidently inspired more by Indian society and history than by our own. He turns the world upside down: India is supposed to be captured, dissected and understood in our paradigms, he understands us in his. In Sarkar the West is no longer intellectually in command.

Second, Sarkar draws very concrete implications from his macro-history and the philosophical underpinnings: PROUT, the ” progressive utilization theory”. This is the theory of an economic (and political) self-reliant system, spiritually rather than materialistically inspired, cooperative, based on local economies, cooperating like in Gandhi’s “oceanic circles”. In this system money is no longer in command, nor are economists. The goal is not “economic growth” and accumulation of wealth, but true human growth with basic needs satisfied, and unlimited spiritual growth topping that. That alone disqualifies Sarkar a utopian, a person to be marginalized. There is more to come.

2. Sarkar’s theory of social cycles The following is a simplified version highlighting the essential features for reflections on the implications for world unity and peace. I shall make use of the presentation given in Acharya Shambushivananda Avadutha’s excellent book PROUT: Neo- Humanistic Economics, and add some interpretations of my own. The point of departure is the Hindu caste system with brahmins, kshatriyahs, vaishyahs and shudras; in the PROUT tradition spelt somewhat differently. However, I shall use neither the traditional nor that special spelling, preferring Intellectuals (including priests, artists), Warriors, Merchants, People, lamenting that the Excluded, the pariah do not figure clearly in the cycle theory. Each one carries what Sarkar calls a “mental color”, very similar to the mentalite of the French Annales school. A basic axiom is that, at any time, “In the flow of the social cycle one mental color is always dominant”.

Before that point is explored further let us pause for a second and ask: is this not a very Hindu perspective? Caste, yes, but not this division into three types of elites and then the people. Elites have a power problem: how do we steer people? There are generally three answers: by normative, contractual and coercive power; by cultural, economic and military power; by values, carrots and sticks, to use three parallel formulations. Obviously these are the intellectual, economic and military elites respectively, or I, M and W; with three very different ways of steering. And whom are they steering? The people, of course. Hence, what Sarkar is exploring is not Indian history but the general dynamism of what we might call I,W,M,P systems, assuming that at any given time only one of them can dominate. So let us assume that one of them rules the ground alone. How do we predict who is next in line? Yin/yang thinking gives us an answer: the carrier of the mental color most suppressed by the dominant group.

Another approach would be by asking: when X is dominant, which group, Y, suffers most? As we are dealing with three elite and one non-elite group one conclusion is as follows: all elites suffer when the people are in power for the simple reason that they are denied elite status. But when one elite is in power People do not necessarily suffering most. Sarkar does not romanticize People; they are somewhat coarse and crude, materially oriented. Hence, they would generally suffer more when exploited materially by the Merchants than when repressed militarily by the Warriors or brainwashed by the Intellectuals. However, should People manage to get the upper hand through a revolution, then all three elites would suffer so much that they would run to the Warriors, the violence specialists, and demand “do something about it”.

Then, the inter-elite explorations. When the Warriors are in power Merchants may be operating but the Intellectuals less so. They live by the word, not by the sword (and a few words like Stop! Fire!). But Intellectuals in power have a major problem: who pays for their livelihood? In the past the princes, the courts; more recently the state. So they tend to be friendly to the state, including designing economic roles to the great chagrin of the Merchants who live neither by the sword, nor by the word, but by the gold. So: after Warriors the Intellectuals, after Intellectuals the Merchants, after the Merchants the People, W-I-M-P, and then after People the Warriors again.

The process is known as History. History is then viewed as a spiral with History telling the incumbent “time is up” and the next in line “it is your turn”. When any group comes back into power society is not entirely the same, hence a spiral, not a circle. Each group leaves a mark. Sarkar assumes, however, that even given a certain automaticity in this process there is at the center of the spiral some kind of spiritual super-elite, the sadvipras, seeing to it that each elite is used by this process for its positive contributions of courage and valiance (W), creativity (I) and wealth-creation (M), and yields the ground to its successors when the negative aspects become dominant, like repression (W), ritualism (I) and exploitation (M). And for all elite groups: arrogance. Given these four groups, there are, of course, 24 possible representations of the drama of history if we accept the “one mentality at the time” idea.

Sarkar chooses one: W-I-M-P. That is a dramatic reduction, so he adds that [1] cycles may be read backwards, [2] they may be accelerated and decelerated. It is only a rule-of-thumb, but a useful one, as we shall soon see. But first a note on the cyclicity. Of course this is a reflection of the samsara, transmigration, reincarnation cycles for individuals. Non-Western views tend to be cyclical; only the West builds its projet on linearity and the promise of an, even imminent, end-state. This is also what makes the West so dangerous because some people get the idea that the end-state is around the corner, and the utopian tradition is born. The result is Stalin and Hitler and their fight over that end-state in this century. That fight was won by somebody else also claiming “the end of history”, wit globalized markets and free and fair elections.

It will soon prove equally delusionary. 3. Sarkar’s theory and post World War II History. First a comment on asynchronic and synchronic cycles. Sarkar’s theory is about societies, complete social formations. The cycles are not necessarily synchronized like summer-time/winter-time in the Atlantic space. Each society follows its own cycle, logic, dialectic. Of two neighboring countries one may be in the Warrior phase and attack its neighbor in the merchant phase to get goodies, like Vikings did to Russians thousand years ago. Ultimately the Vikings became Intellectuals on Iceland and Merchants, Hansa, elsewhere. Or, they may happen, just happen, to coincide.

For some time. Which does not mean peace: two Warrior states may transform any quarrel into a casus belli to get a war to show their prowess. However, recent world history has produced phenomena with great synchronizing potential, in addition to communication. One of them is colonialism, dominant during the better part of this century. The colonies were denied the warrior phase and the colonial powers exported, and prolonged, theirs to/in the colonies. The colonies were supposed to accept both being suppressed, brainwashed and exploited, by colonial powers and their cooperating elites. In fact, the people reacted, with a vengeance, and in most colonies (as Sarkar would predict) the military took over, also to tame their own populist forces.

Then, another great synchronizer: the Second World War, followed by he Cold War. Warriors became the dominant mentalite all over even if others held the reins of formal power. To win the war, and to deter the war (with military means) became the dominant logic in most societies for half as century (1939-89). The warriors were listened to, and enjoyed discourse dominance. But not forever. The polarization, typical Warrior logic, of the Second World War abated. The Cold War polarization outlasted any war danger; but then it was about serious matters such as property and religion, not just about extermination (the two wars period, hot and cold, shared that concern).

The Intellectuals came into power in the West probably already in the 1960s; hence the student revolt against them, at the end of the sixties, at that time more serious than the peace movement. In the East Poland and Hungary came first, then the Soviet Union (Gorbachev/Gorbacheva), with DDR, Czechoslovakia and Rumania keeping the Warriors/Party in command till the end. And that became their end; had they synchronized they might not have harvested that much popular wrath. Of course the people, particularly when armed with a human rights agenda, can revolt against Warrior/repression, not only Merchant/exploitation. The Merchants suffered, in the West as also in the East. To them “freedom” was the freedom, as the Americans, with their permanent over/under-layer of Merchant mentality, say: “to use private property to make more private property”.

They demand their slice of the cycle, the Westerners among them, with usual lack of realism, forever. There are only two economic systems they proclaimed, capitalism and socialism and socialism collapsed, hence capitalism will prevail forever, q.e.d. Sarkar’s theory would predict otherwise: a popular revolt when the exploitation has come sufficiently far. Moreover, given the global synchronization of the phases, the revolt, violent or not, might also be fairly global. Qui vivra verra, but Sarkar’s theory evidently has some explanatory power. In a sense not so strange: Hindu understanding of the world is so much older. Let us then change focus and try out the theory on the United Sates of America, bringing in geographical regions in addition to historical stages.

The USA can conveniently be divided into four regions: the Yankee Northeast, a Mid-West stretching all the way to the Pacific, a Southeast=Confederacy, and a Southwest from Texas to the Pacific, from Mexico to Utah (by and large the territory taken from Mexico in 1846-48). In terms of mentalities the Northeast has from the very beginning been the intellectual/ideological/brahminic center, with Boston yielding the merchant center to New York (keeping Harvard and MIT). The warrior center was Washington, Virginia and the Southeast in general; after the Civil War the center for the conquest of the Caribbean, the Second Empire (the First Empire came with the conquest of the Native American nations).

The West, conquered in the nineteenth century, was a vast depository of People, essentially a Hinterland of the East Coast. The Northwest remained that way with no clear W-I-M profile. But the Southwest tried all three: as Warriors (center for the conquest of the Pacific, the Third Empire; US Marines, the war industry, war think tanks); as Intellectuals (the UC system, media, Hollywood); as Merchants (Silicon Valley). With considerable success, except for the victims. If we now introduce the Sarkar cycle for the Post World War II period we see the point of gravity of the USA moving with the switch in mentality: from kshatriyah Washington to the brahmin Northwest, and from there to the vaishya (merchant regions); but then to sun-belt Southwest rather than snow/rust-belt Northeast, with the last president from the Northeast murdered in the Southwest, followed by a flow of presidents from there.

But History is like the man in the post office, through with one customer he shouts next. According to Sarkar next in line is People, and with this image of the USA next in focus is the Northeast, the Ecotopia of a famous book with that title. The image today is less positive, as if they are preparing themselves for their role in the Sarkar cycle as a counterpoint to all three elites. The UNA-bomber, and above all the militias stand out. The latter are more American than apple-pie, they are the original intent. In the Europe whence the conquerors (in the USA called “settlers”) came, the aristocrats in general and the monarch in particular had the monopoly on arms as the last argument, ultima ratio regis. Real freedom was the freedom of the aristocrats to carry arms, and the freedom of the merchants to make use of private property to create more private property. For the latter some initial capital is often needed, or at last comes handy; for the former arms to carry arms will do.

The longer the current trend of taking from the workers and giving to the share-holders lasts the more will the American economic dream be lost and the American weapons dream gain in salience. And that is what the militia movement is about. Of course they are not only in the Northwest/Mid-West; the phenomena producing that movement are all over. Their original intent stance does not work on the East Coast, imbued with W-I-M logic. But back-country, far West, up-state it may work extremely well; in fact more so than the sporadic violence of black groups against the white or the yellow (Koreans, LA-1993). Sarkar’s message is very clear: elites cannot it on top of people without the people sooner or later reacting, and they see elections in a democracy mainly as elite rotation.

The world is now becoming a complete social formation, under the slogan of globalization. In that case the post World War II Sarkar cycle for a relatively synchronized world might also have geographical addresses. The world Northwest, the Atlantic region, sees itself as the Warrior-Intellectual-Merchant center in a position to control, to imprint and to the rest. And they certainly did; the pattern was know as colonialism. The world Northeast tried to make a W-I-M counterpoint, the socialist countries of yester-year. Evidently, they took on more than they could carry and collapsed under the burden. The world Southwest were and are condemned to be People, with no W-I-M profile; so they revolt in the way of the underdog, sometimes nonviolently, often violently at unexpected points in space and time, in other words with terrorism.

The world Southeast chose another strategy against the world Northwest: develop M. They did, indeed; and what Japan and then South Korea and Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore and then Malaysia managed is nothing relative to what will come when the whole mahayana-buddhist/confucian region comes together as an economic actor. Of course, their power increases as the world Sarkar cycle proceeds from W and I into M where it is today. If the region manages to read the popular revolts and not only to suppress them (Kuala Lumpur 1967, Kwangju 1980, Tiananmen 1989) then they will of course also move full scale into W and I, with considerable counter-power to the Northwest and increasing intellectual power as an alternative source of light.

But watch out: as the Sarkar cycle turns to W and I the Northwest will also be activated, and the region is formidable. 4. Are there exits from the Sarkar cycle? Of course there are. Sarkar has one formula: combine the courage of the warriors, the creativity of the intellectuals, the industriousness of the merchants, the down-to-earth common sense of the people in one person. The sadvipras, similar to the boddhisatvas in some branches of buddhism, serve this function. I have a basic problem with this formula, perhaps two. From early neolithic times we have had the W-I-M division of labor simply because of the size of the social formations and the need for all three types of steering. Certainly, those three elites could be improved; they could, for instance, learn that people are human being and not objects. But I doubt that the division of labor can be abolished except at a cost that is too high for most people: a return to much smaller, less complex social formations, not necessarily hunter-gatherer nomads, but, say, monasteries, communes, sanghas. Excellent for some, but insufficient as a general formula. The second objection is different. Yes, we need people with that quadruple combination, picking the best from W-I-M-P.

But not everybody will manage that; many might even prefer their own simpler ways. That means that the formula becomes a recipe for a new elite, the integrated super-elite, pitted against not only People, but also against the old compartmentalized elites in a three tier system. Plato’s Republic, the Philosopher-King? Do we want that? Or, would it be better to work for democracies that give power not only the W-I-M elite rotation carousel, but to regular people as well? In other words, a polity that gives power to all components of the Sarkar cycle, but at the same time so as to mitigate the single-mindedness of each phase? 5. The Sarkar Cycle, World Unity and Peace At this point comes a more fundamental critique of Sarkar’s macro-history. He focuses on the actors, the W-I-M-P, but not on the deep structure and the deep culture in which they are embedded. W, I, M and P may enter and exit from the limelight but their subsystems, strongly institutionalized and internalized in contemporary modern society, will remain.

The Cheshire cat is known to leave behind a smile. The four groups leave behind their systems when they exit from the stage and everybody else will have to play according to those rules even if the masters of ceremony are not front stage: for the Warriors: the deep structure of the state system for the Intellectuals: the deep culture of the cosmology system for the Merchants: the deep structure of the market system for the People: the deep culture of the nation system We have about as much, or as little. world unity and peace as these systems offer us, meaning not very much. Hence, if world unity and world peace is what we would like to have all four systems will have to be modified, and very much so. In my Peace By Peaceful Means the state system is explored in Part I, the market system in Part III and the cosmology system, including some national cultures, in Part IV. My time is up so I refer you to that. Suffice it only to say that the state system must be liberated from its pathology, narcissism/paranoia inherited from the warrior caste of the European feudal systems, the aristocrats; that some of the cosmologies, including many nationalisms are plainly pathological and we do not know much about possible therapies; and that much richer, more eclectic market formulas can be found than capitalism and socialism.

Beyond the Dominant Paradigm: Embracing the Indigenous and the Transcendental (1996)

By Ramana Williams

Ramana Williams is a spiritual teacher and freelance writer currently (1996) based in Brisbane, Australia. He has an academic background in political science and, more recently, in communications research, working with the Communication Centre at the Queensland University of Technology. The predominant influences on his work come from the socio-spiritual teachings of tantra, from his practical background in Maori mysticism, and from the neo-humanistic philosophy of P. R. Sarkar.

The Western modernist-postmodernist project is in crisis. Integral to that crisis is the “crisis in communication”. This paper seeks to expand the communication futures discourse by moving into non-Western cultural spaces, those of indigenous and mystical traditions. Here we examine the communicative potency of silence, transpersonal communication with Self, and a vastly expanded communicative community. Are these diverse, transcultural approaches to communication reconcilable, or is cultural diversity synonymous with cultural relativism? Do we, in fact, require a new conceptual map of human knowledge which includes different communication paradigms, capable of embracing the mundane and the material as well as the subtle and the spiritual? Answers to these questions, it is suggested, will be crucial in allowing meaningful alliances to be forged with the Other, with whom our preferred futures can become potent realities.

If humanity is successful in building an enduring civilization on the Earth, then it will come from the synergy of the collective experience and wisdom of the entire human family.

Duane Elgin, Awakening Earth

In search of balance

In the midst of unprecedented material wealth, the Western (post)modernist project has become strangely pathological, “predatory” even, as one writer recently put it: “L.A. drive-by shootings, a “gulf war” fashion show; serial killer trading cards…”. And yet it is not only the Western centre that has manifested the symptoms of cultural collapse. We find similar realities in such peripheral zones as Australia and New Zealand where the second biggest killer of young people today is “self-inflicted death”. In the face of these shocking statements of cultural malaise the non-West might well be declaring “We told you so!”. Still, one is left wondering how it all came to be so spectacularly out of balance. Progress towards answering this question would seem to be an indispensable part of working towards it’s solution.
One such domain of thought that seems compelling in this regard, asserts that the definitive clue to understanding this complex matter, lies at the level of cultural consciousness. That somehow, these realities are self-created – the materialisation, if you will, of a pervasive cultural thought-projection – the origins of which lie at the core of a cultures belief systems – its ontology, cosmology and epistemology, that is to say, the fundamental premises of its worldview.

This model implies self-responsibility: we in the West have knowingly or unknowingly created this reality by virtue of how we, as a culture, have come to think about the world, how we understand the world, and what passes as truth within that world. By cultural consciousness we are, therefore, substantially speaking about cultural epistemologies – our “ways of knowing”, and how these ways of knowing perpetuate, and then legitimate certain cultural and material activities in the world.
Within the West the epistemology that came to assume prominence in recent centuries has been overwhelmingly materialist and reductionist in nature, be it the empiricism of the physical sciences or the dialectical materialism of Marxist thinking, which along with empiricism, enamoured much of social science. It was this predominance of philosophical materialism, that Bateson declared to be “central to – at the root of – the epistemological nightmare of the twentieth century”.
Lewis Mumford in concurring with Bateson, pointed to the need for “a new metaphysical and ideological base… a new picture of the cosmos and the nature of man”.

The present paper is equally motivated by this seeking out of a more enlightened perspective, this “new metaphysic”, but seeks to do so, in relation to a single and specific domain of human activity, namely, human communication. While progress will inevitably be required in all domains of human life both – intellectually and practically, as well as at the individual and collective level – there can be little doubt that how we communicate, and what we understand “communication” to be, will be pivotal to this broader process of social transformation – the pervasive shifting of the cultural paradigm. Indeed, it has convincingly been argued that communication – and the paradigms that define it – are so fundamental to the human experience that “homo narrans” (communicating beings) stands as a close contender to “homo sapiens” as the correct designation of our species.

However, as one might expect, a significant body of communication scholars have asserted that the “nightmarish” deficiencies Bateson identifies at the meta-level of Western philosophy is well discernible within communications discourse. Sensing something of the theoretical limitations currently afflicting the field Rice and Williams asserted cautiously that “we may have to not only rethink current communication theories but, indeed, borrow from other disciplines…”. Other communication scholars identified dominant ways of knowing as being crucial to the conceptual limitations confronting the field. Hamelink asserted that a fuller understanding of human communication – other dimensions and possible futures – might be realized once the “methodological exclusivism” apparent in Western scholarship, is critiqued and broken out of and alternative ways of knowing explored. In a similar vein Jones (1993: 435) called for “… an epistemological break with the pre-given constructs through which we are allowed to perceive the world”.

In seeking out such a decisive break with dominant frameworks, the focus of this paper is on alternative cultural experiences of communication. We look at three non-Western cultures, Maori and Aboriginal and the socio-spiritual culture of tantra. What emerges from this broad, transcultural purview of the field is the presence of a range of powerful communicative concepts which motivate quite different communicative practices and possibilities. These alternative conceptions cannot meaningfully be understood in isolation from the approaches to knowing that underlie them. To this extent, we consider, also, their epistemological origins. Our consideration of these non-Western models works, by implication, to deconstruct Western approaches to communication. However, as will clearly emerge as we progress, the tenor of this paper is not to limit the discourse, by denying Western models, but rather, to expand it by considering alternatives which complement present understanding. This suggests an integrated conceptual model sufficient to the task of reconciling these different communicative realities. The paper concludes with a consideration of one such model that attempts to do this.

Reclaiming Silence

There has been, in recent years, a renewed interest within Western communication discourse, concerning the significance silence plays in how we communicate. The question has been asked, “Can communication be a silent – non-sensory – activity?” Tehranian asserts that it most certainly can be, that everything human beings do has some communicative dimension to it, leading to the assertion that, “we cannot not communicate”. While we find within Western discourse an emergent acceptance of this concept, when placed within the larger domain of transcultural approaches to communication, we find that Western conceptions of silence carry rather a rationalist inflection, reflecting, arguably, their origins within the dominant approach to knowing. Hence, silence has often been considered important because it denied the voice of the other – women, minorities, alternative epistemic communities. This was silence as oppression – negative silence. While this has been a rich and important part of the journey to more fully understand communication, it cannot be said to capture the fullness of the communicative potency of silence. This becomes the inevitable conclusion once we place this insight alongside non-Western experiences of communication.

The indigenous experience of silence, reveals, a great richness and depth. Lawlor reports that silence plays an important part in Aboriginal culture, being observed by newly initiated boys while living together for many days in seclusion following their circumcision initiations. Here only sign language is used for communicating. Widowed women, Lawlor further reports, “express sorrow publicly by maintaining vows of silence, even after remarriage, for months and sometimes years after the death of a husband”. He suggests that this parallels Indian yoga – that is tantra – where “vows of silence are believed to instigate rapid inner changes”.

Maori culture likewise attaches great significance to the epistemological qualities inherent in silence. It is through deep silence – a deep inner stillness – that other knowing spaces open up. It was through the medium of silence that the deep communicability of the natural world was known to Maori, where, the inner voice of nature becomes perceptible. It is an expanded awareness of the communicability of the entire natural world. This, however, is not something that is intellectual rather it is experiential and intuitional. It is a subjective realisation that comes through living with the rhythm of the land, hearing the “voice” of the earth, the sky, the ocean, the rivers – knowing the interconnectedness of all things through experiencing the state of Oneness with all things – a state known to initiatic cultures. It is a voice that is heard through silence, a deep inner stillness. And it is in silence that it’s mana is retained.

Silence and the transcendental

In Eastern traditions we likewise find a tremendous richness attached to silence. Taoist thought, for example, posits that the highest knowledge – the Tao “… can neither be seen nor heard” – silence taking up, where sense-based communication leaves off. In Vedic culture, the communication of meaning is considered to be only weakly linked to language, it’s fuller expression lying beyond language. Interpersonal communication stands as secondary to intrapersonal communication which is itself consummated only in transpersonal communication – “in which oneness of the world is unambiguously perceived”. As such “truth” is not considered to relate closely with either language or rational logic, being more fully realised in the intuitive realm – something experienced inwardly. Ralph Waldo Emerson was also sensitive to this point: “Good as is discourse, silence is better and shames it”. In Buddhist cultures the highest form of knowledge – absolute knowledge – is believed to be intuitional in nature, and the means by which it is communicated is through the medium of silence: “true communication is believed to occur only when one speaks without the mouth and when one hears without the ears” (Yum, 1987: 83). This point is well attested in the silence evinced by the Buddha when asked “Does God exist?”, to which he gave no reply. When asked, “Then God does not exist”, he chose again not to enter into the limited spaces of verbal communication, thus privileging silence over sense-based communicative forms. Speaking to the same issue, tantric philosopher P.R. Sarkar asserts:

The world of spirituality is far subtler than the world of intellectual ideation. The cruder aspect of the mental world comes within the power of expression of the indriyas [sensory and motor organs], but the spiritual world is totally beyond the scope of externalization. The subtler the feeling, the greater the difficulty in expressing it… Hence, the scriptures say that Brahma [the Supreme Entity], will never be polluted by words… the spiritual world is beyond the scope of verbal externalization.

While it is possible within Sarkar’s cosmology for that Supreme Entity to be subjectively experienced – Eastern spiritual culture has attested to this for millennia – it is not possible, for that experience to be objectively communicated to others. Thus he writes:

The human intellect cannot say anything final about the Supreme Entity because human beings cannot perceive [that Entity] through the vibrations of body, mind and speech… The Guru tries to say something about the Supreme Entity but cannot because the moment he tries to explain the Supreme he comes within the scope of verbal expression. The disciple has the capacity to hear a discourse about the Supreme Entity, yet cannot because the discourse comes within the temporal factor. That’s why I say that the absolute cannot come within the scope of relativity. Under this circumstance the preceptor becomes dumb and the disciple becomes deaf.

Layers of consciousness and communication

In asserting, in the manner of indigenous and Eastern traditions, that whole worlds of communicative phenomena exist beyond the scope of the sensory and motor organs, is not to suggest that such subtle worlds cannot be known. For Sarkar, indeed, for Eastern transcendental traditions generally, reality is held to extend hierarchically across many vibrational spaces. Within this conception sensory and rational experience correlates with a vibrational field that is apprehensible via the sensory organs and rational consciousness. More subtle vibrational fields require for their apprehension a more subtle consciousness. Hence, we find in ancient and modern tantric tradition the notion that human beings possess a layered consciousness which extends from the “crude”, instinctual mind through, ultimately, to the transcendental or superconscious mind.

Hence, we find in ancient and modern tantric tradition the notion that human beings possess a layered consciousness. This idea of multiple levels of being is not unknown within Western accounts. Habermas, for example, delineates three levels of consciousness at which human beings exist, and which are amenable to three different types of enquiry: the cognitive-instrumental, moral-practical, and the aesthetic-expressive dimensions. Tehranian advances four very similar layers of human consciousness: “practical consciousness”, “instrumental consciousness”, “critical consciousness”, and “communicative consciousness”.

Sarkar’s alternative model, however, looks rather different. He uses sanskrit terminologies of tantric discourse to denote five distinct levels of consciousness at which human beings exist. Each of these strata are amenable to a particular type of knowing. The first of these levels is the material or conscious layer of being, which is made knowable through reason and sense-inference. The second level is the subtle layer of being which correlates with rationality, logic and the intellect. The third, forth and fifth levels are collectively termed the causal – relating to the supramental, the subtle-subliminal and the subtle cosmic minds respectively. These three higher layers of consciousness are not amenable to sense-based or intellectual investigation requiring, instead, the use of intuitional capacities. In this manner, for Sarkar, the self is understood to exist vertically and simultaneously across many different epistemological spaces, thus concurring, somewhat, with Nietzsche’s hypothesis that “The subject is a multiplicity”.

We find within Aboriginal culture a similar acceptance that human consciousness extends beyond the domain of the conscious and subconscious states accepted within Western tradition. Indeed, the very notion of the Dreamtime is premised upon a layered approach to consciousness, where human beings possess a “Dreaming consciousness”.

This is reflected in the practice of ritual where participants enter states of trance consciousness, such as the circumcision ceremony where “death itself is confronted”, opening the way for one to be reborn into a higher – initiatic – consciousness. The sleep state, also forms part of the Aborigine’s tapping into higher consciousness:

Sleep is but one entrance into the Dreaming. The Aborigine’s education begins in developing awareness during sleep and during the hypnotic state. Becoming increasingly lucid in sleep – to the point of being able to act consciously in the dream world and to bring symbolic messages received while asleep into the awakened world – is the beginning of the initiation process for every tribal person.

Myth and Ritual as communicative agencies

It is due to the realisation that verbal expression and rational intellection suffer substantial communicative limitations that recourse is taken to myth, symbolism and ritual These become the means by which deeper realities are experienced – not through the descriptive and objective medium of analytic language (an “intellectual”, rational experience) – but through the synthetic and mythic medium of ritual (a participatory and “meta-rational” experience), as well as symbolic meaning. In connection to the myth and metaphor of Aboriginal Dreaming, Lawlor makes the following insightful comment:

A dreaming story is not necessarily factual or moralistic; rather, it is designed to open thoughts beyond conventional horizons and make visible the patterns underlying the history of the cosmos, earth, and humankind.

As Lawlor further reports, it is through myth, symbolism and ritual that the Aborigines sought to capture the “internal-external reciprocity between humans and the creative forces of nature”. To live and experience the Dreaming is about “maintaining a sensitivity to an invisible, metaphysical prototype”. Gregory Bateson was sensitive to this indigenous worldview and their accompanying communicative genres such as ritual in their capacity to capture deeper meaning as “ritual statements of unity, involving all the participants in an integration with the meteorological cycle or with the ecology of totemic animals”.

Ritual likewise plays an important part in the communicative culture of Maori. The simple act of entering into the meeting house is, at the mythic level of the culture, to enter into the “body” of an ancestor, thus does one symbolically merge with – pass under the shelter of – that illustrious personality. We find a similar metaphor used in Aboriginal myth where the ancestor entered into may be a totemic animal, such as in the Rainbow Serpent stories “in which initiates are swallowed and disgorged… [illuminating] how in ritual, initiates enter an ancestor in order to be born again”. In tantra the only being with which one seeks to merge is the Supreme Being, and this takes place in the ideative realm, a profound communicative practice that unleashes tremendous spiritual energies, which can become demonstrably manifest within the initiates psychic and even physical structures.

An expanded communicative community

Implicit in much of the foregoing is a clear challenge to the Western conception of the communicative community. Within Sarkar’s tantric worldview, Western society has been animated by the ideal of humanism, as has, it can be contended, it’s conception of the communicative community. Here the communicative community embraces all other human beings and gives communicative rights to the polities from which they come. Sarkar, in his elaboration of the ethical system he calls “neo-humanism” seeks to substantially expand these boundaries, whereby the sentiment of human love and affection is now to be directed towards all beings – animate, inanimate and supersensible. Thus is the way opened for expanding the communicative community to embrace all beings, all life-forms, all existentialities.
Sarkar’s ontology of consciousness, wherein, even inanimate phenomenological forms gain existential (rather than merely utilitarian) value, is substantially shared with Eastern and indigenous cultures. Thus we find in Chinese tradition the notion that: “all things are ultimately one, for all come from the same ch’i”. The old songs of the Aboriginal Dreamtime, tell of this same oneness: tjukurrtjana, that fundamental stream of being from which all differentiated expression arose. For Maori it is wairua, “the non-material, inseparable, metaphysical linkage of everything”.

It is this idea of interconnectedness that so baffles the German philosopher and communication theorist, Jurgen Habermas. Indeed, to the rational and analytic mind these subtle realities remain cloaked in mystery. For Habermas these are merely symptoms of the “totalising power of the savage mind”. Even while Habermas asserts a commitment to “emancipation” – an “ideal speech situation” – it is not one in which indigenous and mystical cultures can share. Gregory Bateson, in contrast, displays a greater subtlety of thought, recognising both the limitations – the dogmas – manifest in the indigenous world, as well as their profound strengths. For Bateson, it is this loss of the sense of fundamental interconnectedness, that marks Western ontology from the non-West:

I hold to the presupposition that our loss of the sense of aesthetic unity was, quite simply an epistemological mistake. I believe that that mistake may be more serious than all the minor insanities that characterise those older epistemologies which agreed upon the fundamental unity.

Given the interconnectedness principle of these “older epistemologies” along with the idea of higher and lower states of consciousness, which they likewise share, it ought not be surprising that communicative possibilities are held to exist beyond the domain of the human family. One such example of non-human participants within the expanded communicative community would be what Hindu tradition refers to as devas – non-physical, intelligent life-forms with which communicative possibilities exist. Sarkar invokes another term: luminous bodies. These communicable beings appear to have equivalence in many other cultures, such as the jinns of Islamic tradition, angels of the Christian tradition and atua of Maori culture.

In relation to Aboriginal culture, Roland Robinson tells the following story:

Leodardi, an Aboriginal singer and dancer at Milingimbi, told me that he did not compose his song-dances. They were given to him by spirits in the bush. These spirits, ritually painted, emerged and danced and sang as he stood silently watching them. Leodardi “caught” the song, the dance, and the painting, and brought the song dance back to his tribe.

A similar story is told by the Maori scholar and political leader, Sir Apirana Ngata (1961). In his Nga Moteatea collection of traditional Maori songs, several are reported to have been given by “kehua” or supernatural beings. Tantric tradition likewise admits of the possibility of communicative interchange between the human and non-human worlds. Sarkar relates a number of episodes from his own life. In one such encounter he relates an experience in a forest where he heard beautiful instrumental music: “I was sitting there alone when that intoxicating melody, that rapturous sound, came floating over the forest…”. Presently he happened upon the owner of these subtle sounds: “a young man about my age… His body was like a motion picture, a play of light and shadow”.

What again distinguishes tantric tradition, however, is the placing of this type of communicative practice within the context of the spiritual. For Sarkar, human communication, when all is said and done, is only truly consummated when communication with Self is attained. It is a rare communicative moment, when the dualism of “I-Thou” gives way to merger in the transcendental Source. All other communicative interactions – whether with physical or non-physical participants – ought not disturb that deeper communicative journey. Thus, does the communicative community ultimately come to embrace the Supreme.

Mantra and the communicative community

As we have seen, there is within indigenous cultures a clear openness to expand the communicative community to embrace non-physical life forms. To walk onto the Maori marae (the forecourt fronting the meeting house) amidst the incantative wailing of old women is for the living to walk with the dead, for both have been summoned and both can quite discernibly be present. In this respect, there is clear evidence that the architects of the Maori language were aware of the science of sound vibration – the mantra of tantric tradition. In the West this knowledge belonged to the earth or pagan religions, which were, of course, ruthlessly extirpated by the zealots of Christian orthodoxy, culminating in the spectacle of the European witch hunts. The same necrotic tendency manifested more recently in the rapacious drive by European cultures for colonies, leading to the suppression of indigenous mystical wisdom: witness such anachronistic legislation as New Zealand’s Tohunga Suppression Act, 1907, which criminalised the Maori shaman. There is still, in the West, however, a memory of the communicative potency of mantra and incantation. These we find in the story books of children where tales of charms and spells abound.

Towards communicative integration

While the foregoing appraisal has tended towards dichotomising the world into consciousness-based and material-based approaches to communication, this, of course is a simplification. Just as Eastern and indigenous communicative cultures are not only spiritual and silence based, nor are Western communicative cultures only material and instrumental based. The deeper need of the moment is for an alternative conceptual map of human knowledge that acknowledges the epistemological “unity in diversity” – the coherent multiplicity of knowing spaces – and which includes different communication paradigms. What follows is an attempt at providing the outline of such a framework, one that does allow the subtle to exist alongside the material, the mundane to share space with the supra-mundane and the spiritual. As a mere outline the following model will raise many more questions than it will answer, however, it is hoped that it will provide, at least, an inspiration to others to refine and evolve this idea further.

Figure 1 here

Figure 1: A layered approach to communication – multiple communication fields spanning the mundane, supramundane, psycho-spiritual and pure-spiritual spheres.

Figure 1 diagramatically seeks to capture the range of epistemological and communicative spaces that opened up in our review of Western and non-Western approaches to communication. In this model, communication is acknowledged to exist in a range of different strata and spheres. After tantric and indigenous tradition we can understand these to exist as vibratory fields. Hence, it becomes possible within this model to place a broad range of transcultural communicative phenomena within one or other of these interconnected vibrational spaces.

In the light of our preceding consideration of Western, indigenous, and mystical cultures, we are obliged to acknowledge four different spheres within which human communication can proceed. Sarkar provides the clearest articulation of these various spaces, to which we can apply the following terminologies: the mundane, the supra-mundane, the psycho-spiritual and the pure spiritual.

We will see from figure 1, that each of these spheres (with the exception of the pure-spiritual) are depicted in our diagram as being comprised of different strata, what we have termed the lower stratum, the middle stratum and the higher stratum. This is to acknowledge the qualitative differences that exist between communicative phenomena occupying the same sphere. For example, a communicative interaction with an ATM – an Automatic Teller Machine – consisting of a simple question-answers interchange, (“Do you want a receipt”, Yes or No) and the relative sophistication, say, of a highly rational discussion of theoretical physics, might both be happening within the mundane sphere, however, there would clearly be a qualitative difference between the two. Hence, the above model provides three delineations by which qualitative differences can be negotiated.

Further subdivisions within each sphere (again excluding the pure-spiritual, and this time, the higher stratum of the psycho-spiritual sphere), would again emerge as necessary to further differentiate communicative acts within respective stratum. These further subdivisions – what we might call “aspects” – can be termed “integrated”, “neutral” and “negative”. Negative-aspect communication could be defined as communication proceeding from the ego which has the effect, intended or otherwise, of asserting a “power-over” relationship with other participants disposed towards self-gain. These are, of course, highly subjective categories, however, within this model subjective experiences are accorded considerable validity. Hence, manipulative communication guided by a sense of obtaining something for one’s self would fall within this negative aspect. An avidya tantric using hypnosis to extort money from another could be said to be occupying the lower (or even higher) stratum of the supra-mundane sphere in it’s negative aspect. The scene in the recently re-released movie Star Wars where Darth Vader holds up his thumb and forefinger leading to the death of one of his subordinates could likewise be considered as depicting a supra-mundane, negative-aspect communicative episode. The earlier quoted example of Leodardi, the aboriginal singer who “caught” his songs from spirits, points towards a type of supra-mundane communication, in it’s neutral or integrated aspect. The same could be said for the visionary insights of thinkers such as Darwin and Einstein who, reports Anandamitra, acknowledged that intuitional flashes (communication from the supra-mundane sphere) played a far greater part than did rational logic (mundane sphere) in evolving their ideas.

Psycho-spiritual communication concerns the movement of the mind from the psychic to the spiritual plane. The use in many Eastern spiritual traditions of mantra, wherein the concentrated mind of the meditator, intones a certain potentized sound vibration disposed towards lifting the mind from a conscious to superconscious state, would be an example of psycho-spiritual communication in, we could say, it’s positive (integrated) aspect. The intoning of the mantra is clearly a psychic process, however, the destination (that towards which the mantra is disposed) is the pure-spiritual. Hence, it pertains to the psycho-spiritual sphere.

In contrast, the yogii who’s unit mind merges into the non-qualified state of pure Consciousness – transcending the boundaries of knower and known, transcending the psychic plane altogether – can be said to be undergoing a “meta-communicative” experience in the pure-spiritual sphere. At this level communication, in the sense contemplated in this paper, ceases – the duality of subject and object having been transcended. While mind can internally experience “the Other” – all of that outside of itself up until the psycho-spiritual sphere – such that a communicative exchange can potentially take place (including the purely internal exchanges within an individual), in the pure-spiritual sphere this “dialogue” ceases. Hence, it is fitting to describe this state – it being the culminating point in the communicative journey – as being “meta-communicative”.

A multiplicity of communication fields

The present model, in it’s abbreviated and undeveloped form, identifies, twenty-seven different communicative spaces from which human communication can proceed and be received (across four spheres, three strata and three aspects). A more elaborate model would include, potentially, many more such fields. Clearly, a good many points emerge which this brief elaboration leaves unaddressed. For example, where the communicator is acting out of, say, the lower stratum of the mundane sphere in it’s negative aspect (engaging in, say, verbal abuse), the question arises as to the different possible places in which one could receive the interaction. Every day life shows us that negative or abusive communication typically leads to a similar response. This model clarifies the many other spaces that are potentially available by which the receiver in the above communicative episode could receive the exchange.

The example of Buddha remaining silent when questioned by his disciples regarding the existence of God, suggests that the communicative space occupied by the disciples (which privileged the verbal) was very different from the space in which Buddha was situated (which denied the verbal). A good deal of apparently “failed communication” can be traced to the different communication fields in which the communicating parties are situated, each of which privileges different communication practices. This accounts for a good deal of the difficulty indigenous peoples (with clear roots in the supramundane) have communicating within more rational and mundane Western spaces. The present model provides novel insights as to why this could be so.

Learning from the Other

As we come together across cultural, subcultural, civilizational and gender boundaries to create new futures we need to be aware that consigning that collective process exclusively to any one sphere (typically the mundane), is to perpetuate a form of cultural and communicative violence. This seriously mitigates against transcultural involvement and the pursuit of a potent unified diversity. At a time when we desperately require an alliance with the Other – a harmonious blending of all progressive voices – we can scarce afford to ignore this point.
This is not, therefore, merely a request to accommodate the communicative needs of the mystical and the indigenous. Many other spaces need to be negotiated to include such communities as the elders of all cultures, children, youth, the marginalised and incarcerated, those with disabilities and women. Viable communicative spaces need to be evolved and processes explored whereby meaningful connections can be established between these disparate communities.

What will not suffice at this critical juncture will be continued separatism and receding behind the veil of a “negative” silence. While it may be true that this ideal of a diverse, but unified, communicative community speaking – and not speaking – in many different tones, in many different rhythms, from many different communicative spaces, may well be without precedent in human history, need not deter us. The times that are upon us are in many and profound ways without precedent: these are, indeed, epoch making times.

The future is ours to make: a personal comment

As futurists have long contended, if we do not make the future is will be made for us. We are all well aware of the tremendous resources, material and human, wielded by those vested interests arrayed across this planet for whom “preferred futures” means – emphatically – more of the same. And yet, in the light of what has preceded, it can meaningfully be said that most of those resources are of the mundane sphere – being material and instrumental (psycho-rational) in nature. Just as the subtle and spiritual spheres are vastly greater in their communicative expansiveness, than is the mundane (see Figure 1), so too are the potencies they yield forth. It is not at all, in this model, a quantitative question – it is far more a qualitative one. Very few people consciously and concertedly acting out of an integrated subtle and spiritual space can, in this model, exert a profoundly disproportionate impact on things. However, history graphically reminds us that human beings have the capacity to wield this tremendous potency in absolutely negative ways – the hypnotic oratory and occult symbolism of Adolf Hitler being the best known in recent times. This ought to dramatically alert to the need to remain ever within integrated rather than ego space as we carry out our work – so much more so when we enter into the subtle spheres. It is well arguable that we do not have unlimited amounts of time to move into these new spaces, to take up these new ways of working, these new ways of communicating. The crisis of the West demands inspired action now.

United We Drink: Inquiries into the Futures of the World Economy and Society (1995)

Sohail Inayatullah

“United We Drink: Inquiries into the future of the World System,” Prospectiva (April 1995, No. 3), in English, and Catalan as Bevem Units: estudis sobre el futur mundial de l’economia i las societat, 4-31.

UNITED WE DRINK

In a United Airlines commercial, we are told that from the outback of Australia we can see Rio, from Thailand we can see the Rhine and from Mt. Fugi we can see the Golden Gate Bridge. It is United that helps us visualize this new world, a united world, a friendly world. Coca-Cola’s advertisement, played during the 1992 Winter Olympics at Albertville, is equally important. Coca-Cola proudly announced that it was sponsoring Olympic teams from every nation, the US team being one among them. This is a first in the history of the Olympics and perhaps even the history of civilization. We are united not by our mutual love, we are united not by one ideology, or even by one God, but by our mutual desire to drink Coke. It is the logos of Coca-Cola that stands tall above the planet, the rays of sun glimmering off the bottle, and bringing joy to the world. The world is not evil but friendly, United has made it that way.

In the early 1980’s, Johan Galtung, Professor of Peace and winner of the Right Livelihood Award gave a speech in which he reminded us that the coke bottle also makes a great molotov cocktail. Well those days appear to be over. In the battle of ideologies, capitalism has won–communism and Third World nationalism are in ruins, now only waiting for eager anthropologists to study this failure in civilization building.

The only recent threat to world capitalism was Saddam Hussein. Imagining a global Islamic polity, or at least an Iraqi empire in the Middle-East, and challenging the US backed Saudis and their territorial and cultural claims on the holy land, Hussein moved into Kuwait. He was like the wild gunslinger from the Old American West. Brave but brutal. But the Sheriff did not blink and Hussein’s vision of an alternative world, neither Western nor Communist, but dynastic and Islamic, died. He was unaware that the wildness of Iraq was no match for the technological sophistication of the West. The Sheriff might not have had the fastest hand but he did have global satellites.

The end of Islam as an alternative world system appears to now be complete. While the inability of Israel to unite the Arab world was one indication, the misuse of OPEC funds was far more serious. Instead of using billions for Third World development projects, the money was immediately reinvested back into US banks which then was loaned as transformed petrodollars to third world nations. All gained but the poor in the first and third world. But it was in 1981/82 when Hussein attacked Khomeni–the legitimate challenger to the Western worldview in that he did have an alternative to the modern world–that Islam began crumbling from within. Instead of attempting to reconstruct Islam, to make it relevant for the next century–that is, focus on rethinking philosophy, science and technology and serving the poor–Hussein, propped up by the CIA, focused on military power. Instead of developing an Islam that had a strong material growth dimension and a commitment to distributive justice, as well as articulating the fundamental values of Islam so as to contribute to global issues of environment, knowledge and development, particularly outside of the discourse of national sovereignty and instrumental rationality, Hussein turned his gaze on old dynastic disputes. While he failed miserably in conquering Iran he did manage to destroy the Iranian claim to the future. The West enthralled at his version of modernist Islam showered him with praise and funds. It was this same West that was quick to abandon him when Hussein turned his attention to their puppet state, Kuwait.

The Gulf War if not a World War was certainly a global war. Like other global projects, this war united the world. Even though George Bush’s manliness was on the line, it was the United Nations that was fighting, even if merely as an extension of the US State Department. The victor, however, was Cable News Network, with individuals in real time able to judge themselves who was right and wrong, who was winning and losing. The world was now united in a new mythical polity of electronic nerves . While Internet is in its infancy, it remains the planet’s larger undertaking, the grandest social and technological innovation, promising to not only create communications among individuals and NGOs and thus in-between State structures but also to provide the vehicle for the Earth as a Shopping Center.

But internet had not yet reached Iraq and thus it was only through CNN that news could be constructed. Still while CNN left out numerous images for global visual consumption, the brutality on Iraqi citizens, for example, we saw more than in the Chinese revolution. In that instance, Deng saw that the workers had joined the students and that real socialism, economic democracy, instead of a State monopolized economy was being vocalized. A few students he could tolerate but workers actually wanting people’s socialism was too much. In the guise of Tiananmen Square, workers’ associations were crushed. The attack on the Chinese State was defeated and notwithstanding idle trade threats from the United States, from either Bush or Clinton, the Chinese GNP has continued to expand. The message to capitalists everywhere is that your money is safe in China. Our State is strong; labor is weak. Deng knew that Coca-Cola would win. He was merely afraid workers might want a greater piece of the action, of China’s political and economic future. And now as China sends its satellite (funded by Turner Broadcasting, among others) into the sky, limiting sovereignty to 19th century visions of the nation-state will not suffice. Even if receiving the signal remains illegal, this temporary shutting of the gaze of the Chinese to the external world will not succeed, for MTV, CNN, Sky News have already entered Chinese social and cultural space (in Taiwan and Hong Kong). And as Deng well knows the Chinese are first of all a people, bounded not by Western articulations of the modern nation-state but by the historical family State. Lee Kuan Yew’s moral prescriptions may work much better in managing the paradoxes and contradictions of the emerging world social, spiritual and technological orders than the legislation of the individual gaze.

GOOD AND EVIL: EVIL AND GOOD

In many ways, we have taken significant steps toward the global civilization “new age millennium seekers” and others have been envisioning for at least the last hundred or so years. But paradoxically these changes have not come about from goodness as the humanists among us would want us to believe, rather they have in many cases come about from our “evil” actions . Indeed, it is the thin layer of American culture that is universal . It is global pollution that unites us. It is the depletion of the ozone layer that unites us. It is the fear of nuclear holocaust that unites us. It is the unstoppable march of consumerism that unites us, for we are all shoppers now.

It is Coca-Cola that unites us. In an age when many are reverting to nationalism, and renewing vicious historical agendas long suppressed by the materialism and technocracy of modernity, it is Coca-Cola that gives us the message of the new world. And, intriguingly, it is the evil empire, the previous USSR, that saluted not its own national flag but the Olympic flag and anthem when it won medals–perhaps a minor moment in the history of the expansion and contraction of the Russian empire, but nevertheless ripe with poetic charm.

But how has this come to be. This modern world that is now breaking apart began to take shape a few centuries ago. As R.B.J. Walker writes:

The claims of Church and Empire, the obligations of feudal modes of socioeconomic organization, as well as the categories of philosophical and theological speculation all rested on a hierarchical understanding of the relation between the collective and the particular, the universal and the specific. With the massive transformations of early modern Europe, these hierarchical formulations no longer provided a plausible account of this relation. It is in this context, for example, that we usually understand the emergence of new conceptions of the individual and nature as radically distinct from each other, of the Cartesian ego set apart from the objective world. It is in this context also that the most fundamental questions about political identity had to be posed anew.

In the battle between Church and Empire–between intellectual expansion and territorial expansion, in the battle between two very different sorts of civilizations, one inward looking the other outward looking, one feudal in its economic mode and the other tributary in its economic mode–both lost. It was not the king or the knight who won. It was not the priest, or the advisor, the minister, the serfs or the slaves. Rather outside the castle wall (but not in the fields where the peasants toiled), but in the trader-led marketplace began the emergence of the world capitalist system (and then exported through the power of naval and military technology).

This was the birth of capitalism, the beginning of a five hundred year trend. Central to the new social formation was a system in which the capitalists were at the top, farmers and workers at the bottom and intellectuals/priests and warriors, the military in the middle, existing at and for the will of the capitalists.

Instead of empire, it was now a system of not-so-equivalent nation-states. Liberty, fraternity, and equality, the cry of the French Revolution, eventually became the goals of “civilization” but only in the context of, only in the boundaries of the nation-state. The strength of the West was making its particular “civilization” universal, thus becoming the measure of all other civilizations.

The universalization of a particular civilization further exacerbated the tension between center and periphery, indeed, Western civilization and modern capitalism thrives on this distinction. However, what is good for the center is not good for the periphery for the periphery structurally exists for the benefit of the center. The first stage in this process was the slave trade, the second was the theft of raw materials, the third was the dismantling of the periphery’s manufacturing abilities and the fourth was the creation of a world intellectual space in which the other was culturally inferior, that is, uncivilized. The fifth has been the paradigm of development, of relinquishing the last bit of local knowledge for universal models of economic and political development that implicitly carry on the value structure of social Darwinism, of Spencer and Comte.

This has not been difficult to accomplish as most cultures themselves make this important distinction between the inner and the outer: between the racially pure and the barbaric. Once the definition of the West as modern was accepted, the rest quickly followed . By the end of this century, it has become quite clear who is Center and who is Periphery. Simple indicators such as how we date history (BC, AD), time (GMT), how we see beauty (Paris) and those in the periphery see the West (streets of gold and lanes of sex), and the dominance of “development” (we must develop the natives, the poor, the rural, women, the Other) as the paradigm of science and social science tell us a great deal.

We see this most noticeably in the recent Disney movie Aladdin. The magic of traditional Araby are replaced by images of Iowa, of secularization, and of the categories of humor of Hollywood. Aladdin no longer resembles an Arab but a mid-western American. In the beginning of the movie he is called Aladdin–the servant of God–but by its end he wants to be known as just plain “Al.” Instead of categories of humor based on the Arab world, we are given mindsets that emerge from American situation comedies. The sophistication of the technology, the brilliance of the editing make an alternative Aladdin a luddite joke. Thus instead of a story of a young boy’s dream of spiritual renewal, of challenging the power of the Vizier, we enter a world where all of us become just plain Al. And what does Al do after the movie: he buys Aladdin and Yasmeen dolls. What does that do to the innocence of young children who live in the Arab world: it leads to self-hate since they know they are no longer Aladdin nor can they move to Iowa and become plain “Al.”

Wars over material wealth as well have continued the peripheralization process. World War I destroyed the old empires and created the possibility for the American economic miracle. Standardize and buy: Mix and Melt. Destroy Nature. Create Technology. Destroy History. Create Movies (and now virtual Reality). Destroy tradition. Create obsolescence.

World War II also destroyed the idea of world unity based on the victory or the superiority of any particular race. But it created the possibility of world unity based on a particular nation. America claimed the mantle previously held by the Portuguese, the Spanish, the Dutch, and the British. But now the arena of power has moved from the riverine, to the Mediterranean, to the Atlantic and now with the rise of the Japanese (and South-East Asia) to the Pacific.

Even having debt denominated in one’s own currency (just print more money, one doesn’t have to worry about exchange rates) has not made up for high military expenditures and the costs of being a global policeman. Caught within its own paternal and expansionist cosmology, the US can but take itself too seriously. The American image is that of a global division of labor where the US provides power and high finance, the Pacific manufacturing, and Asia and Africa raw materials and labor. But as the Japanese have most recently shown, humans are so not because they are spiritual or reflect on the world, but because they can improve on nature.

Using the following indicators , we can better understand what has happened. Their c/n ratio was even higher than the America’s (c/n is culture over nature, value added manufacturing), their quality/price ratio was also higher and they understood (having few commodity resources) that they had to be self-reliant. Working together, again family as State–state and business, labor and management, high tech and artisinal–they created a system of vertical integration where each level, from multinational, to local suppliers, to labor, was provided security. Moreover with Mahayana Buddhist and Confucian culture there existed the prerequisite ethic to allow for a view in which heaven had to be created on earth. The vertical structure of its culture was isomorphic to a bureaucracy and an industrial organization while its horizontal structure also allowed for distribution for all . Unlike hindus who resorted to karma, the acceptance of the will of god, East Asia wanted to improve upon God. Understanding that high-tech markets were chaotically dynamic and that once buyers and suppliers became locked into a new technology, profits would create a positive cycle of growth also helped accelerate the miracle economy.

But like the US, Japan has one economic ratio that does not bode well. This is the f/r ratio: the finance economy to real economy. This is the relative amount of money that one can make through speculation versus the amount of money that one can make through labor, manufacturing and services. For example, why work when there are millions to be made in the speculative markets. It is this speculative bubble, this misuse of money–money which does not work, that takes money away from reinvestment, from science and technology, from redistribution and demand–that leads to cultural and economic decline. The markets go up not because of industrial expansion (because of fundamental value) but go up when the real economy goes down because interest rates fall. Ultimately the two economies disengage, concentration of wealth goes to record highs, money does not roll over and a deep economic crisis sets in.

However, the Japanese seeing their real economy slowly delinking from the finance economy have tried to cool things off and instead of a spending spree they have been on a building spree, mostly in East Asia. Like others, they know that the US is a sinking ship, and it is time to get off.

In the third world case it is the not f/r ratio that accounts for financial crises but the c/r ratio–the corrupt economy to the real economy. Individuals feel hopeless since economic rewards go neither to the speculators nor to the hard workers, rather they go to who has caste, class, or family advantage, to those in the bureaucracy. The wave of privatization is partly about reducing the power of bureaucrats and creating an emerging entrepreneurial class. This, however, does not give labor a better or new deal, as the Japanese have managed. Labor remains local, while capital is global and mobile.

But from the Japanese corporate perspective, national capitalism is only one stage. According to the President of Canon Corporation, capitalism is ready for its final phase, having traversed the earlier three.

Phase 1-Jungle capitalism, survival of the fittest in Spencer’s terms. If you are poor, you deserve to be miserable. God’s smile has not touched you.

Phase 2-Modified capitalism. Labor is as important as management. Treat labor well for they provide demand, they buy goods too. Moreover, well treated labor is loyal and works hard. The goal is to reduce the ratio between the wealth of the manager and the laborer, not 80 to 1 as in the US but say 20-1.

Phase 3-National Capitalism. In this third stage, the State enters the economy so as to provide discipline to money. It is the State that should protect so that corporations do not suffer from “quarteritis” as Loy Weston argues, so the long term, that is market share is kept in mind, not merely short term profits. The State also ensure that labor does not suffer from the cycles of growth and recession. But the nation is limited in mobility and corporations can do a better job at giving identity anyway. In short: the new world of the corporate world government.

Phase 4–World corporations. In this final stage, corporations finally gain sovereignty and individuals identify with them first, nations and race, second, and families, third. They work directly with people and with consumer associations, and other types of NGOs. States mainly create an environment where corporations can thrive (without hurting the system as a whole) and the State sets limits when battles between corporations hurt the common good, for example, when they damage the global environment.

This then is the future: a world led by corporations, where our sense of identify is linked to companies. Will they issue passports, why not ? Do we need nations? Only for the short run, in the long run a world government that can aid in capital accumulation would be better. The world government would have a military force needed when a particular group reverts back to racism and nationalism or feudalism (Hitler or Bush or Hussein).

NEITHER FEUDAL NOR CAPITALIST OR COMMUNIST

But this is not the only vision of the future. Another very important vision comes from, among others, Indian philosopher P.R. Sarkar. In his view we are in dramatic times, when time itself changes shape and begin to “gallop.” In the language of Ilya Prigogine , we are not in a stable situation, we are a state of flux, in a state of chaos, a time of bifurcation when the actions of a few can change the world system. In these times, the action of a few can change the direction of history. Human agency does matter.

Sarkar approaches identity in a dramatically different way than conservative or liberal traditions. For him, we can associate with our ego, which we often do or we can expand to our family. Then onward to our nation, then often our race, and for a few of us, humanity. But there is a step further which the Japanese model of growth, which the Coca-Cola model of the future forgets. This is that nature is alive, we can improve upon it but everything in the world is alive, animals, plants and humans. Everything is an expression of the supreme consciousness. Humans, of course, are special not because they can produce hierarchy but because they have purpose. In a recent show of Star Trek: The Next Generation, everyone suddenly finds themselves without identity. One character suggests that we will know who we are once we know our mission, our purpose. Another says we will know who we are once we know our enemy, we are here to fight. A third response is we will know who we are once we know our rank, where we stand in the hierarchy of humans. Who are the ruled and who are the rulers becomes the key question. A fourth possibility not developed in the show is that of examining our pockets, to see how much we have in our wallet or bank account and then locate ourselves.

For Sarkar it is purpose that makes us special, this ability to reflect on consciousness, and following classic Indian thought to become that consciousness through meditation on it, since our individual mind is essentially the same as the universal mind, universal consciousness.
What results are strategies to save the whales, dolphins, rare plants, to protect global life and diversity. But Sarkar is not merely focused on the concern for the Other, he also understands that a civilization cannot stand unless it provides for the economic vitality of its people. But unlike the language of material resources which ends up commodifying everything, for Sarkar the task is to create conditions where we can use physical, mental and spiritual potentials to the utmost. Humans have all types of potentials that are not used: land, labor, but especially imagination and spiritual wisdom. Our global poverty is not only a result of the concentration of wealth but also because of the lack of use and misuse of our various potentials. Moreover, these resources are rarely used for the global good, instead wealth remains in the nation. Can the model of the family be extended beyond the nation, to the global itself; instead of, Japan inc., World inc.?

However, while the spiritual potentials are endless mundane potentials have limits and their overuse and abuse hurts the planet as a whole. Thus in Sarkar’s model there would be limits to wealth accumulation. These would be tied to minimums placed in the context of basic needs–survival needs, housing, air, water, health, education, food. The largest part of the economy would be the people’s economy run as cooperatives with management and labor working together. In this needs-based economy, new technologies would reduce hours of work. Economic projects too large or complex could be run by large organizations, corporations or government. And projects too small should be run by individuals in a market economy.

Where the communists went off track is that they placed labor value at the center of everything, forgetting the value of capital, imagination, and spiritual development. Where capitalism is incomplete is that it minimizes the value of labor placing the accumulation of capital at the center. One totally attempts to place land in the hands of the collective, the second in the hands of the individual. Certainly humans have a desire to own some land and wealth but we neither need nor can afford unlimited land for everyone, nor should we place wealth in the hands of a central authority run by bureaucracies (as in the nationalizing industries model).

Sarkar also understands the value of research and development, of entrepreneurship, for it is this which leads to new wealth, which increases our potentials, which leads to growth. There should be incentive structures! Humans, after all, learn from struggle. Following Indian philosophy, there is no end to history as with communism where all ends with the perfect state or with capitalism where all the rich end up in heaven. It is the individual in the context of the planet that is paramount; the economic vitality is a prerequisite for creating an environment where enlightenment is possible. Social perfection is not possible since central to the Indian experience is diversity; individual perfection, in terms of spiritual enlightenment, however is not only possible but central to one’s life mission.

But most important is that these principles should be applied differently in different places. But given Sarkar’s neo-humanism, of the placement of our identity in the cosmos, what of our local conditions, what of our local environment and our sense of territorial place? For Sarkar, these local units should be our basic economic units, decided on local languages, bioregions, and historical cultures not on the category of artificial nations (created largely by departing colonial masters. (Rwanda being the latest Western export to the US). As each unit becomes self-reliant it will expand its trade until there is a world economy. Sarkar does not argue against trade, however, as third world nations know, when you sell your raw materials, in the long run you become poor. The prices for commodities fluctuate, but the prices of manufactured goods go up. Also with raw material there are no automatic multiplier effects. With manufacturing there is learning as the challenges of development are met. Schools and other industries grow up around manufacturing centers. But where should these centers be? Where the raw materials are, that is in the countryside, not in the city, argues Sarkar. Thus for Sarkar local economic development is critical as it leads to economic vitality, especially when based on economic democracy.

But this is not localism based on race as many would define it during economic downturns (blame those that look or talk different is the easiest strategy for the politician who wants to rule, as Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia knows very well). Localism is based on where one puts one’s wealth. One is local if one uses money for the area’s growth, not use it to make profit which is sent far elsewhere; if one contributes to the area’s social and cultural development.

Sarkar gives us another model of economic growth. Compatible efforts include community development projects, cooperative centers and on a larger scale through the activities of the Green Movement. But Sarkar develops the most comprehensive, eclectic model. His model gives us a real alternative to that of world capitalism or coporatism that challenge identification with the logos of Coca-Cola.

But then who is right? Which way will it turn out? In the short run clearly realpolitik will determine the future, that is, new models that threaten traditional order are often resisted intellectually and if that strategy fails, through physical force. But in the long run a model succeeds if it is complete. To begin with, a new model will have to bring economic wealth. But it will also have to satisfy the needs of the French revolution which have all but become universal, that is, equity, liberty and fraternity. And it will have to satisfy some basic spiritual needs.

To better understand this let us frame this in a simle two by two table. The top left square is survival needs. The top right square is for well-being needs. The bottom left is freedom needs and the bottom right is identity.

Capitalism and liberalism have been strong on freedom: the right to travel, the right to mobility (especially for capital, less so for ideas (monopolized by Western categories of thought) and less for labor (bounded by nations and now larger economic blocks). Even with these boundaries, one could still leave the farm, go to the city and make a million dollars. One could buy a house and ensure that one’s children were not laborers, that their life was better off. Of course this worked better for the center than for the periphery. Africa which lost it male population because of the slave trade did not fit so well into this model. Recently General Ibrahim Babangida, former president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, argued that debts would be written off because the billions and billions of units of wealth that was lost because of the slave trade . Indeed, the West should be paying reparations to Africa because of the slave trade. This was true for India as well where Indian weavers had their hands chopped off if they dared weave clothes and defy the East India Company.

Thus capitalism does well in survival and well being categories at the center but not at the colonies, for it is the colonies that provide the raw materials, that provide the labor, that provided the gold. For instance, imagine the opium wars if they were held today. Can one imagine if the cocaine cartel attacked the US and forced Americans to become addicts. Impossible and yet this was China’s fate not too long ago.

The community development model provides identity (localism, the local group, often religion), provides well being, but only for a few and at modest levels of wealth. It is excellent at survival, there is employment, but is weak at freedom in terms of mobility. It works at the local level but is more difficult at the national or global level. What is needed are models like Sarkar’s that attempt to bridge this gap borrowing the best from the socialists, the capitalists, the Japanese. Freedom, however, in terms of the accumulation of capital and land is limited.

The presence of the periphery underscores the crisis within global capitalism for not only won’t the periphery go away but it has now seeped into the Center, in a kind of reverse globalism. Among other, Robert Nelson understands that there is a crisis within capitalism. He reminds us that it is theology that gave legitimacy to capitalism. However, capitalism has lost its ethical bases. It has not won! The critique of inequity that television world travel show to all is no longer hidden. And people know, especially women, that you can’t blame the victim; there are social structures that create victimhood. You thus can’t blame females for rape. Nor can you blame the rape and genocide of the third and fourth worlds on those worlds themselves. With terms such as structural violence becoming more current, then we should not be surprised that the idea of progress is in trouble. For as Nelson argues, capitalism might be efficient but it hasn’t caught people’s imagination. Remember, economic growth was once linked to bringing heaven on earth. At one time greed was harmonious with the predestined elect. It is no longer. Self-interest was harmonious with the Newtonian worldwide since the world was perfectly ordered and lawful (but relativity has made that problematic). Spencer raised corporations to the top of evolution and although many are still riding the crest, they have yet to deliver. Even Pope John Paul II reminds us that while capitalism might be efficient, investment choices are always moral and cultural. While the world has rejected socialism, it has not rejected egalitarianism and environmentalism.

Of course what John Paul was saying was that people want markets, the free exchange of ideas, goods, and services but not, but not, monopolies, excessive greed. For Nelson, if capitalism is to survive, it needs new moral arguments and spiritual dimensions, a task for theologians not economists. Unfortunately or fortunately, Coca-Cola has not hired any theologians, and Disney only hires people who believe in animism.

Again what is needed are theories and practices that create a new blend of spirituality, environmentalism, distribution and growth. What is needed are systems of thinking, like Sarkar’s, wherein there is not one right or wrong, but there are layers of reality, as with Spengler and Buddhism, deep and shallow. Most of us exist at the base levels of intellect and body. But great inventors and artists enter the realm of intuition, while prophets go deeper into super rational realms in which the unity of being is prima facie evident.

DIVERSITY AND UNITY

The last important criterion point is the ability to be diverse as significant as survival, well being, identity and freedom. One must be able to respond to the problem of philosophical diversity. There are a range of positions available. (1) one could argue that there is only one truth and others are false. History and the diversity of humanity have not supported that view. (2) One could be zen like and argue that all positions are useless since they are created by the intellect and we must thus transcend philosophy. True, but creating structures and theories is what humans do. Entering a zen frame of mind will not change that. (3) One could argue that only the material world is real and culture and spirituality are not important. (4) Or one could argue that only the spiritual world is real and the material world is not important. We have seen civilizations focus on either of these directions and obviously both are true from different vantage points (as Pitirim Sorokin argues). However, overly materialistic perspectives lead to crises of faith and overly spiritual civilizations result in a loss of economic vitality. There are a host of mid range positions that are more useful, for example, the view that all cultures are trying to approach some type of truth but are seeing different fragments of it or there is one absolute truth and the material world is a representation of it, not eternally true but relatively true. In this latter case the relationship between the infinite and the finite needs to be worked on, however. But what the ecological movement has shown us is the importance of diversity. It is crop rotation that preserves the land and leads to greater wealth. To this Sarkar adds prama or balance between the individual and the collective, between body/mind/spirit, between inner and outer directed activities.

As important as ontological diversity, the nature of the totality of reality, is epistemological diversity, the ways in which we know we know. A balanced perspective would acknowledge multiple epistemological perspectives: logic/reason, sense inference, authority, and intuition. It would also include love or devotion as not merely an emotion but as a central way of knowing and changing the world. Most theories or perspectives focus on one or two of the above but rarely do we have attempts to include all of these epistemological perspectives.

One can thus judge the future based on the ability to meet freedom needs, identity needs, well being needs and survival needs as well as diversity (ontological and epistemological) needs. At the same time as important are visions that blend the inner with the outer, the need to bring heaven to earth and earth to heaven, that is those that provide a moral and spiritual theory to our material dimensions and a material dimension to our idealism. Socialism has failed. Capitalism has united the world but cannot it lead us further. Most likely it is efforts such as Sarkar’s Prout and other similar efforts, that are both authentically based on a civilization’s categories, the local, and try and transcend these categories through dialog and borrowing from other cultures, the global. It is this link between the local and the global that will provide the next model of the next century.

Postmodernity, Chaos, and Civilizational Stages

While we await new models of sustainability and transformation, the present can be characterized by the end of systems. There is a pervasive sense that things no longer make sense, that is the world is no longer familiar. One possible accounting for our sense of homelessness is that we are in between epochs. Sorokin is useful in helping us understand this transition stage. He argues that the range of type of possible systems can be understood by answering the question, what is real. We answer this question either as matter or idea or both, or nothing is real, or believe the question itself is meaningless, that is, we can never know what is real. The first answer leads to a materialistic type civilization, what he calls sensate, the modern world. The second leads to ideational type civilization based on the transcendental, the middle ages, for example. The third type leads to a brief period where both mind and body are real, where both heaven and earth are considered important. The fourth type cannot lead to any type of civilization and the fifth leads to despair since there is no ground to stand on. Writing much earlier, in the 1960’s, Sorokin believed that we are at a time where sensate civilization is in its final era and a new civilization is starting. Thus the world does not make sense because the bases of the world is changing. Sorokin predicts we will now enter the idealistic, both mind and body, golden era.

But we could also move to a new ideational civilization. This was the attempt of Iran to move an essentially spiritual religion civilization run by the clerics. This is the effort of evangelical Christians where the key question is not how much one has saved but is one saved? This is fundamentalism–religious and scientific–a return to the original text, uninterrupted by history and uninterpretable by those not chosen. For the fundamentalist, we should live in a world without metaphors but with the utterances of the original text since they were truth and will always remain so. Interpretation is not considered problematic since there is only one cosmology (Islamic or Western or Sinic or Scientific) anyway. The problem is what is the status of the Other: are they barbarians, their text but shadows of the real book, the real science. Thus fundamentalism sees the future of a diverse world, a world of many cosmologies, and evokes not the ancient world when language was magic but the dying modern world wherein language neutrally describes reality, where language is unproblematic. Seeing a vision of many, it returns with vengeance to a world of One.
Others see the future and argue that we need new metaphors that break us out of the universalizing and civilizing project of modernity. Joseph Campbell certainly based his career on examining traditional representations of reality across many cultures, arguing that it was time for new mythic stories. Others ask: is it possible for civilizations to engage in a grand conversation of who we are and what the future for all of us can be?

Equally significant are postmodern writers such as Michel Foucault who argue that we cannot know what is real since the real is always mediated through language and culture. Everything is politics since language is not transparent, it does not merely describe the real, but it creates the real. This goes a step further than Noam Chomsky who argues that language participates symbolically in creating the real by reference to deep structures. It also does not return us to the magical world of the mantra where the utterance of the right word can unite us with the Other, be it God, nature or self. For Foucault and other postmodernists, deep structures and ancient mantras are in themselves metaphors. In the postmodern view, nothing indeed is really real since all is representational. While this move certainly avoids the reification of power to any particular vision, ideology or metaphor, it does not help in creating possibilities and models for economic growth, for sustainable development, for even as it opens up spaces for alternatives, it refuses to allow these new spaces to be filled by possibilities of a different world, of an alternative praxis. As Sorokin would say, one cannot base a civilization when nothing is really real. We need some anchor point, some point to place hand, heart and head as we move onwards into the next century.
But again, Coca-Cola and United Airlines represent the world far better than social scientists or revolutionaries. Through drinking Coke we can participate in the soon to be global civilization; we participate in a deeper emerging global structure. Helping every Olympic team is not the act of traitors but the act of those who are truly patriotic to the world–that market share goes up doesn’t hurt either.

CULTURES OF TECHNOLOGY AND TECHNOLOGIES ENDING CULTURE

But not only are discussions of reality changing our world whether from chaos theory or postmodern politics so are the rise of the new technologies: physical, mental, spiritual and social. While change has always been destabilizing, a few new technologies in particular promise to change how we know ourselves and which categories of the real we will inhabit.
Through virtual reality, we will be able to practise safe travel and safe sex. Indeed it is the potential for pornography that will drive this new technology. With the ability of expanded computer technology, we will be unable to differentiate the real from the imaginary. An image of a world leader promising prosperity might just be an image constructed by a few hackers. Fidelity to traditional notions of representation will be broken. The problem of the original text especially for fundamentalists will be further complicated since distinctions between types of reality will be blurred. Will religions then offer virtual reality experiences of their image of God. Perhaps the redeemer, whether Jesus, the Mahdi, the taraka brahma, is returning and might be available to all, at all times. Reality will never be same again (of course, postmodernists tell us, it never was other than peculiar, it was always based on the episteme, the epistemological boundaries of the time). However, now we will be in many epistemes, which will grow perhaps by each technological innovation cycle. What then will be fundamental?

Equally damaging our traditional notions of reality will be advances in genetic engineering. But instead of ending the real, genetic reconstruction will end the natural. While genetic engineering will start out quite harmless since all of us want to avoid abnormalities, or various genetic diseases, thus we will all want to be checked by our family genetic engineer. But soon this will lead not to disease prevention but capacity enhancement. Intelligence, memory, body type and beauty will be open for discussion. Birthing will eventually be managed by State factories and we may potentially be the last generation to produce children the old fashioned way. It will be the final victory of the feminists and their final defeat. The biological cycle will have been terminated by technology and women will essentially be not any different than men once their reproductive capabilities become unnecessary. The causes of alarm are there (since the most likely scenario will be one where it will be managed by the few for the profits of the few with our genes moving from personal space to the marketplace) but perhaps in latter stages when everyone can be beautiful it will be moral and spiritual potential that will matter the most. Perhaps then with fewer genetic diseases, our differences will become once again charming instead of attributes that keep us from uniting as humans. Perhaps genetic engineering will paradoxically lead not to sameness but to difference and to a greater humanity.

Development in robotics and artificial intelligence will potentially not only transform the labor movement and our definitions of work but also our conceptions of humanhood. We can foresee a time when they will have legal status . Perhaps not the same as humans but certainly some type of legal category will be found or will develop that gives them protection as well as culpability.

To begin with, the best way to eradicate the exploitation and drudgery of labor (and to tame labor as well) is to increase the use of technology. In capitalist structures this means layoffs, under cooperative structures such as Sarkar’s this means more leisure and time for philosophy and play; politics and love. Eventually, a robot will injure a worker and will be found culpable since it will be argued that the manufacturer and owner should not be found liable since the robot learned, since the robot is alive. While the initial drive will be juridical, concomitant with ways of thinking that see everything as alive, like quantum physics, Buddhism, animism and Indian thought, and with advances in artificial intelligence it might be that we will develop a new ethic of life where humans are only one life form among many. Their utility value will be surpassed by their existential value. While a robot uprising is unlikely, the move from robots as represented as machines, to be seen as dumb but lovable animals and then to gaining similar rights as children is quite easy to imagine.

What results from a view in which everything is alive, that the real has numerous dimensions, is a perspective that frames technology not only as material but as mental and spiritual as well. The first stage of this results from the human potential movement. If we assume that most of us use less than a percent of our brain and geniuses use two percent, then technologies whether concentration and meditation exercises or those that merge the brain with type of brain enhancement physical technology should take off. A more balanced worldview (body and mind) would encourage these types of developments more than chemical based ones. These might also change our theories of the nature of science as we search for unities that are both mind and body. Sarkar, for example, posits that there exists microvita, basic “energies” that carry information, viruses and can create life. They link perception and conception and are thus both mental and physical not either material or ideational as we have historically tended to view the subatomic world. The basic substance of what is then is no longer dead matter but living bottles of energy that both use us and can be used by us in a variety of ways.

Less concerned with holistic technologies, Freeman Dyson believes that we need to move away from metal-based technologies to biological-based technologies. Among other suggestions, he has introduced the idea of the Astro-Chicken: a space ship that is biologically grown instead of engineered. We already have life substances that eat up bacteria, that among other uses, can help deal with pollution spills as well as provide food. His central argument is that we are looking in the wrong direction for the future. Equally far reaching is the work of Eric Drexler on nano-technologies. These are minute technologies which in effect would break down matter and recreate it in any shape or form we want. Instead of growing food, we could create food by simply rearranging molecules.
These new areas of technology then promise to change the world. They certainly at one level make the vision of a small community, of local spaces, less possible. However once these new emerging cultures transform us, it could be that we might return to a more intimate tribal lifestyle but choosing not only our tribe but our genetic make-up, our version of the natural and of the real. These new intended communities could be on Earth, in our minds, or we could be hurtling through the stars either with or without our bodies.

Unlike most spiritual thinkers, for Sarkar, these new cultures of technology provide us with great possibilities to create a better future. Properly controlled, that is used for needs not profit, and delinked from instrumental rationality (if that is possible!) they can help create a planetary society. For capitalists these new technologies promise a renewal, rejuvenation from the exhaustion that has set in. They promise to revive the idea of progress. Thus, it is not theologians who will provide the new spiritual basis for capitalism, but hackers, lab experts, and new age visionaries. These new technologies pose the most dramatic problems for those of us who consider the natural as fixed instead of as constantly changing and in the process of recreation. Fundamentalists, in particular, will find the next twenty or thirty years the best and worst times for their movements. The best because the forces of tradition will flock to them; worst because the technological imperative and humanity’s struggle to constantly recreate itself and thus nature will not be easily forced back. Even biological spills will most likely not be controlled by State regulations but by new technologies themselves. The answer to these types of problems may be in newer advanced–physically, mentally and spiritually–technologies. Technologies in themselves will be redefined in this process as not merely material processes but mental and spiritual processes embedded in particular cultures. Our notions of the natural, the real, of truth, of the technological will no longer be fixed but porous just as United and Coca-Cola have made the idea of sovereignty deeply problematic. Fundamentalists will attempt to dam these leaks through appeals to the classical words: God and nation. Humanists will look to citizen control groups to stem the technological avalanche ahead and scientists will stand in stunned silence at the world they have helped undo.

And unlike the evening news which has numbed us to fear, the emergence of a world without a concrete notion of truth, natural, life and good is cause to fear and rejoice. In the chaos ahead, we may begin the slide down into a long depression. Center/periphery distinctions could worsen. Genetic technology or biological technology could yield new viruses, new types of life that end our life. The planet itself, however, might not care. Gaia , argues James Lovelock, is a self-regulating mechanism that keeps life alive, humans might not be needed, just an experiment that went wrong. She might “choose” rabbits instead of monkeys this time. Out of this disaster instead of world church, or world capitalism, we might end up with a world empire again with restrictions on freedom, survival, identity and well being. Mad Max and The Terminator instead of the Jetsons or Ecotopia. Or more likely an Internet system that feeds directly into our brains as we imagine we are feeding into its nervous system.

However, we can hope that in this postmodern chaotic period, a new world will emerge that will have not one center but numerous centers, with many civilizations in dialog with each other, with many forms of cultures and life, rich with diversity but with some sense of unity, of enchantment with a larger vision of basic values that we have willed ourselves to: of dignity for all forms of life; of the right to basic economic, cultural and spiritual needs for all of us on this planet.

However, in the meantime, the logos of Coca-Cola hangs above the planet. But once we have drunk from the bottle, it is empty, and we need replenishing. While spiritual perspectives remind us that only consciousness is the real thing, local community efforts would have us switching to juice or local forms of drink. The new technologies promise to recreate drink itself so that imagining the real thing will be as tasty as the real thing. Fundamentalists would remind us that the real thing came only once and it cannot be symbolized as it exists outside of culture and history. A balanced response might go ahead and drink the real thing but when finished would search for consciousness and would question how it was produced, would examine the economics and politics of distribution and growth. A balanced approach would also want to make sure there was enough air, food, family, community, education, health, and mobility for everyone. Neither God nor economy or culture should be scarce. Like visions of the future they should be abundant.