The Cyber Butterfly Effect Nets Political Change (1999)

By Sohail Inayatullah

Lobbying is normally associated with shady back-room deals, with lobbyists waiting outside the halls of power, hoping to get a minister or legislator to listen to their position.

However, this process can now become more transparent and can empower those who previously felt they were merely subject to the decisions of their governments.

Cyberlobbying is taking place around the world – in Romania, the Minister of Education threatens to close down an award-winning alternative school because its lunch diet is vegetarian.

The school teacher, understanding that the community and children love her school, but that the community and parents association was not strong enough to take on the Minister, starts a net campaign.

While she previously might have just given into whims of the Ministry, armed with a PC and a modem, she sends out e-mails to the world vegetarian association, to Ananda Marga net (a social and spiritual organisation which has many vegetarian schools), as well as others.

She asks them to send faxes and call the Ministry. They do. Within a few weeks, the Minister reverses his decision.

International pressure plus more information on vegetarianism shows him that it is not weird to be vegetarian and not against Romanian culture.

What are the lessons here? First, the person acted. While she worked through the net, she was careful to use other media as well — phone and fax.

In another example, Munawar Anees, a scholar and editor of Periodica Islamica, is arrested by Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir. He is tortured while in jail and, from the beatings and bad conditions, has a heart attack.

His colleagues begin a free Munawar Anees campaign. A web site (www.dranees.org) is set up. A listserve (friends@dranees.com) is also set up. It acts as a clearing house for thousands of people around the world.

No administrative staff is needed for the office since there is no need for an office.

Faxes are sent daily to Dr Mahathir. Eventually, Amnesty International adopts Anees as a political prisoner.

Alvin Toffler, a close friend of Anees, becomes involved, calls Dr Mahathir and asks him to release Mr Anees. Dr Mahathir refuses. International pressure continues. Toffler threatens to end his support for the multimedia superhighway corridor in Kuala Lumpur’s Klang Valley.

He makes sure to remind Dr Mahathir that becoming a post-industrial nation can only occur when citizens are not in fear of the government. Eventually, the international pressure ensures that Mr Anees gets a fair trial.

With the world gaze on them, the government drops charges. Dr Mahathir is, of course, recalcitrant when it comes to international pressure on human rights but with the nation’s future at stake, he had to rein in the police.

He did, however, put government warnings on Anwar Ibrahim’s website stating that it was biased and did not reflect the Government’s position. (Dr Munawar Anees was accused of letting Anwar sodomise him.)

What are the lessons from this episode? In this case, a group of people acted, used multimedia — fax, phone, website, listserve. The only cost was that of setting up the website, otherwise a momentous campaign was orchestrated without any administrative staff.

Instead of huge mailouts, individuals were told to go to Anees’s website for the details of his detainment.

A third example involved not one or two individuals, but thousands. It, too, uses the net but augments it with other media and involves the 1996/97 Belgrade student revolution.

With Prime Minister Milosevic controlling the media –the State-run media — the alternative media reported on the thousands of people in the streets, demanding that the winners of the election for the mayorship of Belgrade and Novi Sad be installed.

Mr Milosevic closed down the press, but he could not close down the net. Thousands of overseas Yugoslavs and international press used it for their newsfeeds, as did students in Serbia.

A few student activists kept the information coming and what Milosevic had hoped would be a minor event came to be a global happening.

As with the other examples, multimedia was used. The Belgrade protests remained non-violent, partly because the students did not want the police to kill them, and also they knew that, just as the world’s eyes were on Mr Milosevic, they were on them as well.

The net forced both to be transparent.

There are numerous other examples as well – the Zapatista have used the web as a information clearing house and as an advocacy centre, and as a place to list abuses. (Kathleen Grassel has written on this in New Renaissance: www.ru.org.)

And in Suva, Fiji, working visas of journalism lecturers were threatened because of differences with government media policy. However, international pressure, again orchestrated through the web, forced the Fijian Government to grant the visas.

One person cyberlobbying changes normal politics because it can be done by one person.

It is the cyber butterfly effect. One person, or a small group of persons, can undercut traditional structures of power. There are some safeguards on cyberlobbying as one still needs many people acting to make it work – a lone mad person will quickly lose legitimacy for his or her cause.

It makes all politics more transparent. However, cyberlobbying does not replace traditional politics; rather it augments it.

It must be part of an overall campaign that includes face to face, fax, telephone, direct political action, voting, street demonstration.

Cyberlobbying also leads to the beginning of global politics. World opinion becomes a factor in every nation’s and corporation’s politics. While some presidents have understood that getting on CNN is more important than a hearing at the United Nations, they still have not understood the power of web sites, and the ability of the small to change the big.

For governments being lobbied, the worst thing to do is to put warnings on other’s web sites. The best defence is more openness, is inclusion of other perspectives, deep consultation with others. If they don’t, the cyber butterfly will make sure that in the long run they do.

Sohail Inayatullah is a political scientist. His recently completed book is Transforming Communication. He is co-director of the Institute for the Future, and in 1999 was UNESCO chair at the University of Trier.

Say You Want a Revolution, or Five (1999)

By Sohail Inayatullah 

For centuries, world politics has been organised around nations and their official functionaries — with artificial borders drawn up, separating French from German, Australian from New Zealander. But this could all be blown away as technology and political movements reshape our understanding of world governance.   

We are in the midst of five “revolutions” in how we govern ourselves that are as pivotal as the transition from the medieval to the modern world and as important as the great leaps forward in computer and bio-technology. They are the rise of global government, world corporations, people power lobby groups, the internet and fundamentalist politics.  

As it was during the French Revolution, when it was not clear who was winning — the merchants, the aristocrats, the people or the Church — today’s revolutions as well are occurring in almost simultaneous waves.  

And, as with the French Revolution, which remains a watershed point in Western history (reducing the power of the Church and nobility), these changes in governance mark a dramatic departure from centuries of politics being organised around nations and their official functionaries.  

Revolution of global government

This is a revolution from above, a globalism of size and power. It is a strengthening of regional and global government, and their respective institutions. The most obvious is the European Union. Less successful but equally noteworthy is ASEAN.  

Related to this revolution from above are international organisations such as APEC, World Trade Organisation, the World Bank, the IMF, the International Court, the World Health Organisation, and the full range of United Nations organisations.  

They are all vying to become more than just a voice of the member states. They want to be able to advocate ways to best manage the transition from nation-states (as the main actors on the world stage) to regional blocks and international institutions.  

These transnational institutions have an impact not just on conventional politics, but on all areas of life: from the regulation of work, media, trade, oceans and climate to atomic energy and space travel.  

Revolution of money

Another revolution from above, and just as important as the transnational institutions, is business.  

Corporations have moved swiftly to become economically more grand than many nations. Their wealth in players such as GE, Microsoft and the large banks — while appearing to be limited to the private sector — in fact shapes global public policy.  

So much so that Professor of Peace Studies and winner of the “alternative Nobel” the Right Livelihood Award, Johan Galtung, argues that a newly arranged United Nations should not only have a house of people, direct voting, and a house of nations, but a house of corporations as well.  

Such a move would give them legitimate, but open, power and institutionalise the private power they already have.  

The success of corporations in shaping what we think about, what we eat, how we work and consume is one of the main reasons they will be transformed, eventually becoming global citizens, with clear rights and obligations to local communities.  

People’s power

This is a revolution from below: a globalism of the people. While corporate globalism creates wealth, people’s globalism is focused on economic democracy – through community co-operatives — to create a more sustainable world where relationship to self, nature and others is central.  

These are 1960s-style ideals, of people’s power, student power, but now transformed into the local/global politics of international non-government organisations (NGOs).  

These include groups like Transparency International, Amnesty International, Greenpeace and Mothers Against Drunk Driving.  

Some NGOs take stronger advocacy positions, moving from efforts to solve the latest crisis to addressing the deeper causes of crisis. For example, instead of just asking for more government help in child care, women’s groups contest the division of public/private concerns, where men dominate the public and women bear the burden of the private.  

Instead of just organising for more women in government, they contest the maleness of industrial politics, seeing statecraft as essentially male-craft.  

However, the future challenge for these people’s organisations is to live up to the ideals they espouse, dealing with their own petty tyrants and bureaucracy.  

Cyberpower

This is the electronic revolution: a globalism of technology. Less concerned with specific political issues — be it nuclear testing or the melting of the Antarctic — the internet will allow for direct global referenda.  

As with the idealistic NGOs, the guiding vision is “we are the world”, but the linking agency is the internet, not some Jungian idea of the collective unconscious or spiritual ideal of the superconscious.  

While there is a certain inevitability in the rise of cyberdemocracy, many ask: Can the people be trusted? What are the limits to democracy? Should there be direct voting on all issues, or just on issues that don’t deal with national defence and security? And what of those not quite net-fluent or affluent?  

Those questions can be worked out as we enter cyberia, but more important issues are: 

Whether the electronic village will more likely be an electronic Los Angeles. Anonymous, faceless communities pretending to be in relationship with each other — Blade Runner here we come.

Whether cyberdemocrats can work out the difference between good direct governance and the art of leadership.

Back to the past

This is a revolution of a fantasised past: whether it is Slobodan Milosevic remembering Serbian past traumas; or Pauline Hanson taking Australia back to a world when men were men, when time was slow, when neighbours were friendly, when you clearly knew that the enemy was in some foreign land, and had different eyes than you; or the BJP in India reinvoking Rama Rajya, the ideal kingdom of Rama, when humans were moral and did their yoga regularly.  

The revolution is particularly against multiculturalism, postmodernism, genetic technology, virtuality, and multinational corporatism. It is a revolution against anyone who is different, from afar, of all types of globalism (the movement of capital, ideas and people). It is a lower-middle class revolution.  

It does not intend to overturn capitalism or end the nation-state, rather it reinforces the nation-state through the slogan of one god, one leader and one people. The ideal governance structure is not an issue, traditional moral values are.   

Which revolution?

Which revolution is most likely to dominate?

Which revolution will change the world the most?  

While all transform how we govern ourselves, most likely, in 50 or so years, we will have a world governance system, but probably not a world government; strong global community groups balancing large corporations; “virtual” governance on local issues but not binding (over-turnable by the executive and legislature).  

For Mr Mark Luyckx, of the European Commission’s Foresight Unit in Brussels (advising on emerging issues in politics, religion and technology), the challenge for all of us is to ensure that global governance is not merely about transplanting national institutions to the global level, but about changing the nature of institutions. It is about making them more gender-friendly, more humanistic, more transparent, more culturally inclusive, and more future generations-oriented.  

Equally important is the task of inventing social institutions that can better manage the transition to an advanced technological multi-civilisational society.  

Building bridges and negotiating our many differences (including the structures of power/hierarchy embedded within them) and creating shared realities will be the most important challenge for a globalised planet.  

To survive and prosper at all levels, we will need a vision of governance that is neither the nationalism of the modern world nor the everything goes of the postmodern, nor the traditionalism of the feudal. Mr Harlan Cleveland, former US ambassador to NATO, terms it the “different yet together” approach to world governance.  

If all goes well, eventually over many decades, we will likely see an ecology of identity, where being human first is far more important than which passport one carries. Of course, multinationals, internet service providers, and NGOs will all make claims on who we are — issuing their own “passports” — but with luck we will slip through these identity boundaries keeping self, ideas and capital, while always grounded in the local economy and community and being mobile.  

If we do not embark on this alternative future, we will create a world in the next century that is ungovernable for all of us.  

The loss of national legitimacy and authority will create a world so utterly chaotic that, as with the French Revolution, a king will emerge, and he will desire only one thing — order!  

Which future do we want?

The Cost of Past-Oriented Thinking (1999)

By Ivana Milojević

The University of Queensland

The inability for futures thinking – at individual, group, national and global levels – to forecast, develop scenarios and alternatives has cost the former-Yugoslavia (SFRJ) hundreds of thousands of lives, millions of displaced persons, the destruction of the environment and economy and probably over 20 millions of wounded minds. The legacy for the future generations is a return to centuries old divisions, hatreds and mistrust. To recreate the past cycles of destruction future generations will have plenty of material to draw upon. To this day neither side involved in the conflict has claimed their responsibility for the conflict and the discourse of victimhood is still prevalent. The beginning of true reconciliation is nowhere in site. Furthermore, the inability for futures thinking and the lack of institutional foresight capacity has cost the current Yugoslavia (FRJ) three months of intensive bombing, around 1400 civilian lives claimed by NATO bombs, destruction of environment and around 50 billion dollars in damages.

The obsession with the past has cost the Serbian people the loss of territories and expulsion of its own people, as well as migration of young professionals. Also lost has been the virtue of common sense and the ability to empathize with the hurts of others. The inheritance for future generations is the passing of the legacy of totalitarian state, and the legacy of ethnic cleansing as well as the cost of ruined respect in the eyes of international community. More then just ruined respect, additional cost for Serbs is that now they are as a group equated with evil. And then there is a cost of having to come to terms with killings, rapes, expulsion and torture perpetrated against “the other”.

As for the outside world, namely Europe and USA – the lack of clear foresight led them to believe that recognition of independence for Croatia and Slovenia and then Bosnia would not have the implication that it did. Had they recognised that the conflict is more then less likely would they still seat still with their fingers crossed? Or would they immediately employed peacekeeping troops? Had they been pro-active would they have spent a tenth amount of how much the NATO intervention costs to build Yugoslav economy and support new democracies or would they still refused loans and financial support to Ante Markovic and Milan Panic? The process of re-building economies and supporting democracies at the territories what used to be SFRJ the Europe will still need to enter to, albeit 10 years too late. And not only the (financial) cost is going to be much higher this time around the process itself is going to be more complicated and more difficult. At the same time, the price Yugoslav people had to pay was huge. And the cost (financial, ecological) for the region significant. The consequences for our global futures do not seem to be so great either as the events in FR Yugoslavia this year have also confirmed:

1.      military solution is ‘the” solution,

2.      there are justifiable wars,

3.      destruction of environment does not matter,

4.      the glorification and development of military sector is a necessity,

5.      the goals justify means, and,

6.      the quality of human lives and human lives themselves can be sacrificed for higher aims.

Many of the current and past events in former Yugoslavia could have been prevented if predicted and prediction taken seriously. For example, had Yugoslav people developed futures scenarios in 1990 they would have been able to foresee some future “developments”. Had Yugoslav people knew what is the real price of nationalistic pride would they still voted the way they did back then? Had they not dug out events from 6th century (migration to the Balkan), 14th century (1389 battle of Kosovo), and unresolved hurts from this one (Balkan and WW’s) they would have been less likely to recreate the patters of destruction. Had Yugoslav people focused on the future they would have realised that the only positive future is the cooperation and peace among themselves. Had they thought more of future generations they would have created better conditions for them living in peace and harmony. They would have developed tolerance rather then division, trust rather then suspicion and respect rather then hatred.

It is a very sad fact that the Yugoslav people have not only destroyed their country, themselves and the choices for the future generations – they have also refused to learn this time around. The last decade of the XX century will go into the annals of nationalistic histories as one more example of them hurting us. One more example of why you cannot trust others. One more example that we have to be ever ready to “defend” ourselves. One more example of why the repressive state and warrior like masculinities have to be tolerated.

Welcome back to the future – forward to the past.

The Politics of Understanding PROUT: Epistemological Approaches to Social Analysis (1999)

By Sohail Inayatullah

INTRODUCTION

Since the inception of the Progressive Utilization Theory (PROUT) by P.R. Sarkar in the late 1950s, there have been numerous efforts to come to terms with the various implications and applications, and structures and meanings of this theory. The purpose of this essay is to comment on these commentaries and to surface in the context of PROUTist texts the problem of inquiry. How, for example, does one constitute the real, what categories of thought does one use, and furthermore in what ways is one’s method of inquiry related to or constitutive of the object of inquiry as well as to the discourses (texts, practices, the social construction of what-is) that frame one’s method. Thus, this is a discussion of various epistemological approaches.1

THE APPLIED APPROACH

There are numerous ways to approach the problem of understanding how one goes about understanding the texts of Sarkar. The first and most obvious approach one is used by Batra, Anderson and others.2 This is the method of taking the categories of PROUT, for example, the PROUT socio-historical category of varna, as given and then applying them to various historical events. What emerges is a revisionist history; a history reinterpreted to fit Sarkar’s cyclical-dialectical view of history and its component categories of worker, warrior, intellectual and acquisitor. For example, in the context of Western history, the Roman Empire now becomes the apex of the Warrior Era, the rise of Christianity becomes the beginning of the Intellectual Era, and the industrial revolution the beginning of the era of the Acquisitors, and the worker-led socialist revolutions of the twentieth century, the beginnings of the next cyclical era of Warriors. This approach is useful in bringing new readings to history and allowing certain structures to emerge that may have been lost by a particular discursive practice, for example, the rationalist-capitalist discourse which privileges a dynastic linear model of history at the expense of structural mythic discourses or the Marxist model of history that privileges economic explanations at the expense of martial, ideological and spiritual interpretations.

The problem with the application-oriented approach is that it does not problematize these categories themselves. How these particular categories came to be important is unattempted, nor is the worldview that these categories privilege inquired into. Thus, the categories themselves are treated as given. One might, for example, ask are these new categories of thought heuristics (typologies that help explain ideas), ideal types (mental often apriori categories), or inductive empirical categories (derived from the natural world).

Moreover, in applying a theory of history to history itself, one intrinsically selects those events and trends, those patterns that fit into one’s preunderstandings. This obviously raises various issues as to the study of history itself; is there one history, or are there alternative histories that are created or repressed, that is, is history dependent on the subject, on interpretation and, if so, how so? Furthermore it can be argued that one’s notion of history is constitutive of one’s theory; that history does not exist independently to one’s linguistic structures. Viewed from this perspective, one’s theory, preunderstandings are complicit in the dominant discourse of the present, thus making any objective history fundamentally problematic. If this is the case, then a serious attempt at uncovering the politics of one’s historical categories, one’s theory of history, is imperative so as to understand how one is structuring history, to understanding what is being epistemologically gained and lost. Without this inquiry, one’s preunderstandings remain unproblematic and thus uncovered within various power configurations.

THE EMPIRICAL APPROACH

The second approach, an extension of the applied, is the empirical approach. Here the world is divided into theory and data, with language simply describing the real world, not being constitutive of it. The question then becomes to determine operational, that is, measurable, definitions of Sarkar’s theory. For example, what are the indicators of each social era? How does one know empirically when one is in a particular era? Insofar as Sarkar asserts that those of the intellect and martial psychological wave are reduced to the proletariat, in the era of acquisitors; from the empirical perspective, the question then arises how do we define this category, what are valid indicators for this theoretical construct and how to find reliable and precise data that measure the above? Finally, to prove the hypothesis correct, alternative explanations must be disproved, and the results must be repeated by different studies.

To take another example, Sarkar writes that collectivities are unified either when they have a common enemy (an anti-sentiment) or a universal common vision (an ideology). From the empirical perspective, the project would then be to define collectivities (nations or empires) and then devise valid statistical measurements of unity and separation and finally to operationalize the notion of common enemy and common good into real world measurable indices. The problems with this approach are many. It makes an artificial distinction between what is being talked about and the language one uses to talk about it, forgetting that one’s empirical categories, operationalizations exist in various discursive practices–definitions of what constitutes the real that give significance to one’s results. It thus assumes that there exists an extra-linguistic reality that can be objectively talked about. Also problematic is the assertion that one’s real world indicator is conceptually related to one’s hypothesis, not to mention the problem of gathering reliable data itself, in terms of the categorization, the collection and the reporting of data itself. It also reduces the significance of a theoretical formulation to that of a instrumentalist and rationalist perspective, forgetting the role of the researcher, the interpreter. The empirical approach also does not problematize the theory itself–except in terms of proving or disproving hypotheses–nor does it compare the theory with other theories, except at the level of data analysis. More significantly, the theory as deeper myth (as a story that gives meaning to basic questions as to the nature of what is) is denied; the theory as action (in terms of creating a different world) is denied; as is the theory as vision (as part of a larger project to critique the present, to develop an alternative cosmology) is also denied. However, once we see the empirical perspective as a language, a discourse, then instead of statements that are only meaningful in the context of empiricism, we gain insight into how a theory might be translated (operationalized in the language of the empirical approach), thus, for example, allowing for a discussion on indicators of each particular era without reducing the various hypotheses to mere measurable indicators. Moreover, given that Sarkar redefines development to include the significance of animals and plants, that is, an economics as if all living things mattered, certainly then, for example, in any discussion of indicators of development the impact of economic growth on animal and plant life would no longer be an externality; rather, it would be central to the economic equation.

THE COMPARATIVE APPROACH

The third approach is the comparative approach. In this perspective, instead of applying PROUT to history or to the future, or searching for measurable indicators, we treat PROUT as a social movement and compare it with other social movements such as the Green/Environmental movement. We could also treat PROUT as a political philosophy and compare it with other political philosophies such as Liberalism, Conservatism or treat it as a cosmology and compare it with, for example, Islam or Buddhism.

We can structure the comparison along various categories such as ontology, epistemology, polity, economy, nature, technology, center-periphery relationships, and time.

This approach is useful in that a taxonomy of PROUT is developed and we can better understand PROUT as it now stands in the context of other powerful traditions. But there exists a significant problem with this approach. This approach is ahistorical. We are simply comparing one philosophy with another at a particular place in time. In addition, there exists the problem of units of analysis, in that, PROUT is in some ways a cosmology, in other ways a development model, as well as a social movement. Thus, what one compares PROUT with becomes increasingly problematic. Moreover, this approach does not reveal the structure of the categories chosen; for example, the categories one chooses for comparison are also an integral part of a cosmology, of a discourse. The categories economy and polity have only been distinct recently and the separation of the categories nature and technology only are sensible in Occidental models of thought. Thus the categories one chooses are in themselves problematic insofar as they are often part of the structure of a particular discourse, so much so that one may end up with a taxonomy which effectively simply compares not two cosmologies with each other, but the given cosmologies with the silent cosmology that the categories chosen are themselves embedded in–in this case, the epistemology of modernity.

However, significantly, commonalities and differences can be illustrative in leading to understandings of PROUT outside of its own discursive representations and in the case of constituting PROUT as a social movement, useful in attempting to create strategic alliances in the reconstruction project.

THE TRANSLATION APPROACH

The fourth approach is the translation approach. Here one takes the language of PROUT, the categories of PROUT themselves and attempts to translate them into an alternative tradition. For example, PROUT speaks of itself in terms of sixteen principles developed and articulated in the form of sutras with accompanying commentaries and constituted in the discursive practices of the Indian philosophical tradition. We can, however, group them in different ways. The categories I have used–borrowed from the Western social science tradition–in various efforts include3: theory of consciousness (ontology, creation-evolution theory, mind-body problems, layers of the mind), development model (concept of progress, theory of value), theory of history (social cycles, dialectics), development ethics (neo-humanism, economics as if all living beings mattered), and strategy (regional, linguistic social movements).

Alternatively, we can also group PROUT into three frames; critique, eschatology, and strategy. Sarkar’s writing implicitly and explicitly critiques the present global system and the values that underlie this system, and at the same time they provide a blueprint and a vision for an alternative vision, a sense of what could be. Finally, Sarkar provides a strategy of how to go from here to there.

The problem with this approach is that any attempt to translate involves not just a problem of syntax, but a problem of discursive practices, that is, a problem of the deeper values and structures embedded in various ways of thinking, or “languaging,” such that a translation may miss not only the entire structure of a perspective but critical categories as well. Thus, in a translation, meanings are regrouped and then re-understood not in the context of the original text but in the context, in the world, of the translation. However, by virtue of it being a translation, there is a useful strategic value in that the information is available to other linguistic communities thus allowing the translated text to become part of the terrain of these communities. In addition, through a hermeneutic theoretical move, one might discover various meanings by comparing the original with the translation.

The empirical approach is similar to this, however, the translation (in the empiricist perspective) is seen as a vertical effort between the theory world of ideas and the real world of data, while the above approach is a horizontal approach between various theoretical constructs.

THE FRAMING APPROACH

The fifth approach is that of framing Sarkar’s work through the perspective of a variety of disciplines. For example, one may frame it in the language of systems theory. Systems thinking breaks down the whole into a system of interlocking dependent parts, such that the flows of information between sub-systems are noticeable. Changes in a sub-system lead often to changes in the entire system. It is a powerful method to study complexity and interrelatedness. One could then reinterpret various elements of Sarkar’s work as inputs (spiritual inspiration) outputs (social transformation) outcomes (outputs that feedback to inputs, struggle). One can then look at the various relationships between the sub-systems (the spiritual, the organizational, the political) and determine their contribution to the system and the overall goal of the system–in Sarkar’s language, that of spiritual realization and social change. This goal can then be disaggregated into subgoals, that of one nation becoming PROUTist, or social welfare projects completed.

Alternatively, one could frame Sarkar’s PROUT in the language of futures studies. PROUT then becomes an alternative image of the future competing for legitimacy against the dominant vision of the future, modernity, and along with other images, the socialist democratic vision, the environmental vision, the Islamic vision, or the global socialist vision. PROUT, then, is reconstituted as an alternative possible future. Of course, from the perspective of a PROUTist worker, PROUT is not an alternative vision, it is perhaps the vision of the future, or at least, the most probable vision of what is to be. Moreover, from the perspective of the futures field, PROUT is defined as a forecasting methodology, as a way of predicting the society of tomorrow.

While this approach is quite useful, the failings are obvious. Any discipline one might use has its own biases; each discipline privileges a certain discourse. For example, systems theory simply organizes in a rationalist and functionalist fashion the components of the system, it does not allow for alternative designs or interpretations, for example, those possible through a dialectical framework, or a mythic symbolic one. Moreover, systems theory is a metaphor that makes certain assumptions as to what is considered the natural state of things (the notion that every system naturally move to a state of equilibrium, for example). As a metaphor it exaggerates and hides; certain meanings are accentuated, others are silenced.

The futures approach, too, is problematic. For one it is ahistorical. Secondly, critical is the problem of constituting the future in two seemingly discrete categories: preferred and probable. The probable future is determined by a variety of forecasting technologies such as dialectics, statistics, cycles of history, or expert opinion and is phrased apolitically, that is, the role of subjectivity, in terms of which forecasting methodology is chosen, or the role of epistemology, one’s theory of knowledge, is seen as given. However, once we politicize the category of probable future and argue that is it is often a result of problem selection, or methodology selection, or moreover, one’s discursive practices (one’s ideology, at a simple level), then the problematic nature of the distinction between probable and preferred becomes apparent. Even when the most probable solution is seen as a dystopia, this creation functions as a warning system, a way of articulating what might happen if one’s preferred future does not result, or if the present continues, then as an objectively gotten probable future.

Finally, by focusing on PROUT as a predictive social theory, in so far as Sarkar contends that the social cycle is a law of nature in much the same way as numerous writers have located Marxist theory, then the legitimacy of the entirety of the theory falls or rises based on its social forecasting utility; its interpretative value, its critical value, its value as praxis are denied.

However, the futures approach provides new meanings and allows different discourses to speak, thus potentially shedding light on that which is to be interpreted. Moreover, by framing it in the category of thought of “alternative future” it is somewhat legitimized as an actual possibility of a future society, rather then fiction. Thus, its theoretical framework and its policy prescriptions are seen as potentially relevant in the various academic, governmental, and international development dialogs.

THE PHENOMENOLOGICAL APPROACH

The sixth approach is to look at the way Sarkar, himself, constitutes his world. We begin here with the phenomenological perspective; we are concerned with gaining insight into the text on the terms of the text. Instead of seeking to test the text or translate the text, or to refit the text to a “prepackaged” methodology, we examine how PROUT sees itself. What categories and structures does Sarkar use? For example, Sarkar develops a six point theory of successful societal development–spiritual ideology, spiritual practice, preceptor, spiritual texts, socio-economic theory, and social outlook. With these categories, we can locate PROUT as well as other systems or movements. Also illustrative is Sarkar’s typology of the failure of theories. For him, the first category is that of hypocrite’s theory, or those developed to serve the interest of a particular class or interest, that is “to dupe the people,”4 The second is the range of theories that exist without any basis in the real, with the day to day suffering of the physical world or the possibilities of the spiritual world, that is, they speak solely in the world of mentalities.

The third is the range of theories that result from a particular culture or environment, but are however universalized and thus fail because of their generalization. For Sarkar, the Marxist effort can be thus categorized.

The fourth are those constructs that fail to develop because of implementation problems: political, bureaucratic or individual.

This approach is highly useful in that we see how PROUT creates itself, we see its structure in its terms, we see how PROUT sees the world and we learn from it about the way we construct our world. Thus, instead of interpreting PROUT, we now engage in the process of rethinking our own selves, our own world. We uncover ourselves. This process reduces the distances between author, text, and audience and a multi-layered dialog is created. However, this approach does not problematize PROUT itself. It does not allow for comparison between different cosmologies, that is, while this model obviously critiques communism for being weak on spiritual practice, we do not find out how communism locates PROUT in its hierarchy of successful movements or theories. In addition, it is ahistorical in that we do not see the historical context of the various constructs of PROUT.

The challenge then becomes to see Prout categories of the world as not goals of an ideal society but in fact as lenses to constitute the world. Thus instead of using current categories of polity and economy to understand Prout, the task is to use Sarkar’s categories of neo-humanism and varna, for example, to make sense of what the world is and can be. Prout then becomes not just a vision of an ideal society but an analytic tool in which to dissect the current world. This means instead of acceding to traditional political analysis and thus borrowing neo-realistic (conventional political science analysis) liberal frames which privilege the nation-state, the task is to use Prout categories such as varna, prama, neo-humanism and the layers of the mind to better understand, and thus create a world with enhanced fidelity to Prout theory.

THE POSTMODERN/POSTSTRUCTURALIST APPROACH

The seventh approach is that of the postmodern/poststructuralist. Here we examine the various structures within Sarkar’s cosmology; that is, the linguistic discourses, the way that it is constructed, the monuments of language and power in front of us. From this perspective, the goal is to examine the text of Sarkar and see what discourses or linguistic worldviews he is privileging; what epistemologies and discourses he is seeking to encourage, and what ways of thinking as constituted in various discourses he is attempting to make problematic, to critique. Thus, instead of dialog, we are seeking to distance ourselves from a typical, that is, mundane, discussion on the varieties of what Sarkar really means in a certain text.

With this perspective, we gain insight into the structure of Sarkar’s writing. For example, Sarkar is clearly attempting to make the present less concrete by developing a dialectical-cyclical theory of history. In addition, he is politicizing the future by not positing an end to politics, that is, a state when all class struggle is over, yet he embraces structure by arguing that there does exist a cyclical law of social change. Sarkar is also privileging the spiritual location and creation of identities and structures by positing that the end all of existence is spiritual realization.

The critical question in this perspective is not what is real, as with the comparative approach, but how is it real? How is Sarkar’s cosmology constituted? What are the values embedded in it? Given that language structures are complicit with the domains of power, we are then not surprised that Sarkar’s work is largely critical of the present and critical of the way we normally constitute our histories of the present. For him, history is the history of elites. The stories of the courage of the suppressed have been silenced, the victories that are told are those of the already powerful: the wealthy, the royal, and the keepers of the word, the various priests of knowledge.

He is thus critical of the reality of poverty and the poverty of our theories of reality. We can thus better understand how, Sarkar, for example, attempts to relocate the self away from our common understandings, that is, the self as related to status, income, body to a self located in spiritual consciousness eternally distanced from ego, time and space and at the same time a self located in all other selves, thus allowing for a discourse that enables compassion and activism.

For Sarkar, then, the reconstitution of spirituality becomes a defense against modernity and a purposeful effort to unite in the world with all other living beings, and thus as an effort to transform the withdrawn self of antiquity and the segmented self of modernity.

The examples above are only illustrative of the type of inquiry that one enters within the post-structuralist approach. This is not to say that we should abandon the other approaches. They too are important in gaining understandings of PROUT.

However, this approach is more enabling in that we better understand the social construction of PROUT and then create an epistemological space that results in richer interpretations of PROUT. For example, simply testing PROUT’s theory of history on various civilizations in the pursuit of an objective history forgets that one has a pre-understanding, and that this understanding is part of a politics–that objectivity is problematic, with subjectivity complicit in present domains of power.

Moreover, the post-structuralist approach is complimentary with other approaches such as the futures or the comparative by providing a larger structure for critical inquiry. For example, if we were to describe the culture, the political-economy or the historical place of a particular collectivity like the Philippines, we can create different levels of responses. The first is to revise Filipino history in terms of Sarkar’s eras, to see how the present has come to be within the language of PROUT; and at a different level of analysis, we can deconstruct this revision, that is, the notion of cycles, and we can discover how such a discursive practice results in various commitments to history, to the present, and to notions of a good society. In much the same way, the question how do the writings of Sarkar compare with the writings of great Islamic scholars, for example, Iqbal, can lead to various types of analysis. One can compare how they see themselves, how their writings deal with the problem of the present dominant system of modernity, that is, at their effort to develop counter hegemonic discourses and, at another level, we can see how they are constituted by present discourses, and how they have come to be. Thus, the various approaches are not exclusive.

The strength of the postmodern/poststructuralist inquiry is in focusing on how power is constituted in the real. Knowledge is thus seen not as neutrally derived but as central to the political negotiation of reality. Sarkar, of course, already attempts this when he argues that the type of knowledge interests one has are largely dependent on the larger power relations, on the particular cycle in history one might be in.

In terms of PROUT writers, Charles Paprocki5 has attempted this type of analysis when he argues that epistemology is related to the type of society one is in, capitalist or socialist, for example. Of course, these efforts have remained inarticulate to the significance of language structures in concealing power relations. Moreover, the post-modern approach has not been used to understand the texts of Sarkar itself, that is to deconstruct PROUT as well.

However, as with all approaches, this perspective too is problematic when taken alone. Continuous undoing of categories can lead to a paralysis of research and action, where no inquiry does not move forward because all is suspect, or because a worldview of postmodern nihilism takes over, wherein reality is seen as so malleable that the idea of a good society, of reducing oppression, cease to be possible.

BEYOND DISCOURSE

As important as asking what is after discourse, is – given the above privileging of discourse, of the argument that the world is created through language, and that in this imposition, power remains hidden and elusive – the prediscursive, the realm outside of language. Here we stand in a hermeneutic and phenomenological stance in that we are interpreting Sarkar’s work, attempting to engage in a dialog between PROUT and post-structuralism. For Sarkar, discursive analysis privileges the intellect, and reduces the spiritual, the transcendental to the relative, to a mere discourse. Sarkar, himself, argues for a spiritual knowledge interest; one that delegitimizes rationalistic qua modernity modes of knowing as well as intellectual qua mental ways of knowing. Sarkar would thus agree that the discursive approach is a critically important perspective and that language does create the world. This is why he and other mystics such as those of the Zen Buddhist tradition emphasize ways of knowing other than the intellect. For Sarkar, therefore, the post-structuralist effort is an activity contained within the arena of mind, the task then becomes to transcend mind through activities such as meditation, or through koans. Here the practitioner is forced out of mind; the self then no longer is constituted in ego, but in itself, in unmediated, inexpressible consciousness. The subject-object duality does not exist, rather there is a state of the unity of consciousness. In his words:

That which comes within the orbit of mind is but a relative truth, not an eternal truth and so it will come and go. Scriptures (texts) and mythologies are but stacks of bricks, they are only arranged in layers, carrying no significance or intrinsic value. So how can they describe the Transcendental Entity which is beyond the scope of the mental faculty. How then can this intuitional perspective be interpreted, which is beyond the compass of body, words and mind? Here both the teacher and disciple are helpless, because the subject, which is beyond the domain of any academic discourse and discussion, is simply inexplicable and inexpressible. Whatever said and discussed comes within the ambit of the mind and so it is a relative truth–true today and false tomorrow. That is why, the teacher becomes mute when he is asked to explain transcendental knowledge (the Buddha remained silent when asked if the Transcendental entity existed and equally silent when asked if it did not exist) and consequently the disciple, too, becomes deaf. So … in order to explain this profound mystery, there is no other alternative than to emulate the symbolic exchange of views between a deaf and a dumb person.6

The transcendental, then, is the realm of the prediscursive, a space that cannot be talked of, or listened too, for such an effort would evoke the discourses of the present, past, and future, that is, the discourses that transpire because of mind.
The counter response from the post-structuralist position is that the distinction being made is an ontological one, in terms of what is real. Discursive analysis constitutes itself by asking how has a particular practice become real, how has the view of a transcendental self emerged and what are its commitments. Thus, the purpose is not to engage in an ontological debate as to the nature of ultimate truth, but to seek to uncover the politics of ontology. By constituting the real as a discourse, we gain distance from past and present and future and thus see the real as human creation and thus contentious, that is, available for negotiation. It is because of the recognition of the primacy of discourse, and the effort to avoid this location, that both teacher and student remain in silence and thereby in a non-discursive space.

However, as to the nature of Being, the responses of course would vary. Different writers might argue that intrinsically, what is, is from the first to the last, within and without, meaningless, and thus all knowing efforts are projects of imposition, of the knower. The prediscursive is not the realm of the spiritual, but the realm of other possible discourses, ways of constructing what is. Alternatively, one might argue that one simply cannot know the ontological status of what is.

From Sarkar’s view, too, ultimately one can say nothing about the ultimate nature of being, except that any effort to say anything would be embedded in mind, in language and structure (time, place and subject), in relativity. The problem of the relationship between the absolute and the relative then becomes the key and unresolvable, by mind, issue. For once we define this nature (of Being), then, we, for the post-structuralist, simply create new categories, hierarchies, that is, models of existence, or what is commonly called philosophy. This is unavoidable since after the silence and the muteness, we (the teacher and student) still must return to discourse and recreate the world once again. We enter a discursive space; a space embedded in meaning, in language, in historical identity.

The task for Sarkar then becomes of privileging a spiritual discourse as for him one’s theoretical formulations become better in that they are created from a non-discursive space that is intuitional; intellect is placed within a larger epistemological framework. For Sarkar the nature of Being itself cannot be answered, since “the tongue cannot taste itself.” However, through action commitments, spiritual practices, more of the real can be accessible to the spiritual aspirant.

Upon expression then the discourse of the present, past, and future, of power then emerges, for in agreement with the post-structuralist, Sarkar asserts that once one speaks then one immediately constitutes oneself in mind, and thus in a particular power structure, in a discursive practice. For the post-structuralist committed to inquiry and analysis, certainly, the how of that constitution then becomes the critical and interesting question.

What this means for PROUTist inquiry is that even as PROUT makes truth-claims about the nature of the ideal social and political system, these claims must be bracketed in the knowledge episteme in which they were uttered. They should be understood and applied in their various contexts. This does not mean they are not “true” but rather that a complex mode of analysis must be used to understand PROUT and to articulate PROUT policy. Sarkar hints at this when he asserts that the real is time, place and person dependent.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, I have tried to show that there are different approaches to understanding a particular subject, a text, and that this effort of understanding is problematic. When we treat texts as unproblematic we affirm various discourses and our efforts remain bounded by these particular discourses at the expense of other discourses. Through attempts at inquiry, we can hopefully better see the problematic nature of our knowing efforts and thus engage in more enabling understandings of understanding.

The seven modes of inquiry articulated: applied, empirical, comparative, translation, framing, phenomenological and postmodern/poststructural, must be seen within a complex framework. It is thus important to note the context of one’s research, one’s epistemological biases, and be able to move in and out of various research perspectives, allowing each to inform the other, not becoming caught in hegemonic knowledge frame, remaining like PROUT itself comprehensive and complex.

 

NOTES
1. A version of this essay appears in Sohail Inayatullah, Situating Sarkar. Brisbane and Ananda Nagar, Gurukul Press, 1999. This essay is inspired by a series of conversations with Michael Shapiro as well as from a reading of his various works. See, for example, Political Language and Understanding New Haven, Yale University Press, 1981 and The Politics of Representation Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin Press, 1988.

2. See Ravi Batra, The Downfall of Capitalism and Communism. London, Macmillan Press, 1978 and Tim Anderson, The Liberation of Class. Calcutta, Proutist Universal Publications, 1985.

3. See Sohail Inayatullah, “The Futures of Cultures: Present Images, Past Visions, and Future Hopes,” in Eleonora Masini, James Dator, and Sharon Rodgers, eds. The Futures of Development. Beijing, China, UNESCO, 1991 and “PROUT in the Context of Alternative Futures,” Cosmic Society (October, 1988).

4. P. R. Sarkar, A Few Problems Solved Vol. 6. Trans. Acarya Vijayananda Avadhuta and Acarya Anandamitra Avadhutika. Calcutta, Ananda Marga Publications, 1988, 17.

5. See Charles Paprocki, “On PROUTist Methodology,” (unpublished paper, 1981).

6. P. R. Sarkar, Subhasita Samgraha. Anandanagar, Ananda Marga Publications, 1975, 114-115.

Civilization, Leadership and Inclusive Democracy (1999)

By Sohail Inayatullah

In the context of civilizational approaches to economy and polity, this essay explores models of leadership. These models include: the taoist-sage; the tantric-sadvipra; the islamic-caliph and the western-liberal. The potential of these ideal-types to decline to evil is discussed, particularly when they evolve outside of democracy and inclusiveness. Leadership is considered the link in creating institutions that are committed to all future generations.


DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT

The drive from Kuala Lumpur’s Subang Jaya airport to the city is, as with most big-city capitals, not something to email home about. But on this highway, there is a sign standing high above that is stunning. Standing tall in the sky are the neon-lit words VISION 2020.

While initially one might suspect that the Malaysian state is concerned about the eyesight of its citizens or that a corporation has taken out a major advertisement for better eyeware; in fact, the logos represents the vision of Malaysia’s future, its concerted drive to industrialdom. Even with the current financial crisis, the target appears in sight. As with other Tigers the reasons for success are many. For Lee Kuan Yew, former Prime Minister of newly anointed industrial state Singapore, and now roving Asian wise man, they are the following: (1) a non-litigious culture, wherein conflicts between individuals and cultures can be quickly and preferably administratively resolved; (2) an external dynamo which helps transfer technology, management and expertise (earlier the US and now Japan); (3) dramatic land reform ending feudalism; (4) a philosophical worldview focused on this world and not the here-after (leading to high savings instead of immediate consumption, to a culture of engineering instead of a culture of philosophers); (5) a competitive export economy; and (6) non-representative democracy.

Surprisingly enough, democracy, as in one-person, one-vote is listed as one of the impediments in pulling oneself out of poverty, in creating a better world for future generations. Partly this is so since in feudal states, the landowning class yields disproportional coercive power. As Lee Kuan Yew states, “It is more difficult for democratic government, elected by groups which includes landlords who themselves become powerful political players in the game, to bring about such a transformation.”

The power of a particular class is augmented by the lack of a unified political culture. One-man, one-vote wherein the majority vote to suppress the minority leads to disaster, especially when the minority is a creative minority committed to future generations.

Democracy is also disastrous when basic prerequisites are not met. Bangladesh, for example, is considered a democratic success story. Yet votes are routinely bought, attendance at political rallies is based on financial sponsorship, and the democratic process has led to endemic strikes. As one Bangladeshi says: “Forget politics. Forget voting. All we want is the money to feed our families.” But for the elite, democracy is necessary to assuage foreign institutions like the International Monetary Fund and to ensure the spoils of victory lead to government jobs. Writer Andrew Robinson in his piece titled “Who Says Democracy is Good for Bangladesh? Foreigners” concludes that “American concepts of democracy and economic freedom have as much resonance in the Bangladeshi psyche of today as they might have in the 18th century. Or the last millennium.” Democracy can thus function best where there is a sense of a shared community but when groups contest that very framework, the system cannot work. As Lee Kuan Yew says: “When people challenge whether they are a part of the system, how can the system work?”

But can anything then be done for Third World nations, whose borders have been administratively drawn up by departing colonial powers and where landlords and/or the military remain the ruling elite, where a civil society has not yet burgeoned? Is creating the possibility that one’s children will be better off an impossible dream? Not only for the Third World is the lack of unity a problem, disparate multiciplicities have become a defining part of the global postmodern condition. We do not have a global community, and as the West continues to self-fracture, liberalism as a guiding ideology of the next century appears in doubt.

LEADERSHIP AND COHESION

But for Lee Kuan Yew wise leadership can create political and cultural cohesion. Leadership combined with an appropriate worldview (focused on this-world, on future generations) and the desire and appropriate institutional structures to help acquire skills, knowledge and technology can create miracles. To change cultural behaviors and in-grained historical attitudes (even behavior such as spitting) one needs “a determined leadership and a population with a certain sense of community and a consensus,” argues Lee Kuan Yew

Yet, an analysis of the globe as a political unit or the many nations of the inter-state framework will quickly reveal that those three factors–leadership, community and consensus–are missing. How can we then hope or expect the world of tomorrow to be any better than today?

Malaysia and Singapore are well on their way partly because of the absence of representative democracy. This does not mean the State is unresponsive, indeed, political life is active. But for all practical purposes there is a one-party system run largely by one ethnic group. In Malaysia it is the Malays. Indians and Chinese have access to capital and culture but political power remains autocratic albeit shared among a small elitist community. VISION 2020 has partly been about expanding the community to include others in the context of an expanding pie. However, unskilled migrant workers have recently found out that during economic downtimes this does not include them (it is deportation that awaits them). Singapore silences the issues of ethnicity and difference by opting for Confucian modernity. Even though it is a parliamentary democracy, there is no functioning opposition.

Eschewing democracy has not meant that future generations have been impoverished. Indeed, the opposite has occurred. Perhaps one anecdote says it all. In a meeting with foreign experts decades ago, the visiting delegation asked Asians what help they desired. In contrast to other nations, which asked for nuclear power, so as to become modern and provide security for their own future generations, Malaysia asked for assistance in developing and exporting rubber, for creating the bases of wealth development. Thus while other nations such as Pakistan and India focused on the politics of the curse, on resolving ancient and recent blood scores, Malaysia (and Singapore) invested in education and health systems, in the needs of future generations.

The commitment to future generations is so strong that Malaysia’s population policy ends up being antithetical to India’s. While India is facing the demanding task of reducing its population, Malaysia is attempting to increase its. For Malaysia, more people “means more workers and consumers for more products and services.” This is partly explained by its triple Asian heritage (Islam, Hinduism and Confucianism/Buddhism), as well as by the politics of people, most likely the Malay Muslim-led government wanting more of its own type.

FUTURE GENERATIONS-ORIENTATION

Singapore, Malaysia and other Tigers thus come out positive with respect to future generations-orientation. However, from an environmental and social justice framework they do not do so well. Central to industrial growth has been the use of non-renewable resources such as forests for quick economic growth. The process of development has also endangered the survival of tribal peoples. Their cultural metaphors, their gifts to past and future, are now problematic. Thus these Tigers are future generation-oriented in the sense of creating wealth which then can lead to a higher standard of living, with better physical infrastructure, and greater disposable income. However they are not future generations-oriented with respect to preserving the ecology of nature and culture (with including the other).

But future generations-orientation should not only be seen as environment preservation-oriented, it is also growth-oriented. When judging future orientation of a nation or collectivity we thus need to ask not only is the current generation robbing future generations by using physical resources (the traditional environmental argument) and borrowing from the future (the national debt) but also if the current generation is limiting the choices of future generations by forcing them into poverty, that is, by not following economic policies and practices that encourage the formation of wealth, that break up feudal landholdings and inefficient State bureaucracies. We must thus also be concerned if current generations doom future generations to poverty by remaining in traditional ossified cultures and structures.

Futures generations discourse should be as much about the transformation of current conditions as it is about creating sustainability. Among other projects, future generations discourse must be about new models of development/growth.

Elsewhere, we have argued for a model that uses as its central metaphor, prama, that is dynamic balance. Only focusing on balance or harmony, while environmentally sound, is often conservative. Only focusing on transformation, ignores the dimensions of past that must be returned to so as to create the future. Prama means a dynamic balance between past and future, between the sectors of the economy (agricultural, manufacturing and information) as well as between the dimensions of the self (physical, mental and spiritual) and of theory (theories that address material and spiritual factors instead of only focusing on the former or latter).

However, while we can be critical of Malaysia and other Tigers for excluding issues of environment and culture, still, they rank much higher than South Asian countries where future generations thinking is non-existent: survival, the politics of the past, environmental degradation, corruption, are the norm. Savings are low because money is spent on day-to-day survival, on conspicuous consumption, and on bribing local officials. There is no agreed upon national collective project. Moreover, as Lee Kuan Yew argues, whereas South Asia excels at ideational or philosophical based systems, issues of growth have been less important–Allah, Nirvana and Moksa stand as the true goals. Indian philosophy, in particular, focused not on artha (economic gain) or even on kama (pleasure) but on dharma (virtue) and moksa (individual liberation from the cycle of life).

But attaining dharma has not been a facile task. It has become particularly more difficult in modern times. Moral behavior is considered the most desirable, yet because of the structure of South Asian society few are able to act in a virtuous manner. What results is a devaluation of culture and identity as one cannot meet the demands of one’s value system. Morality remains the goal but instrumental power politics and competitive market pressures force immoral actions. The result is cultural denial (our civilization has no problems since it is God-centered) or cultural escape to the West (since structural transformation is impossible). What is passed on to future generations is a deep inferiority complex often masquerading as moral superiority. While the rhetoric of following the Shariah (Quranic law) might continue, more often than not it is used as a weapon against others, not as a civilizational ethos to better self and other.

But what about OECD nations? How might we judge them from the view of future generations-orientation. Western nations, as opposed to Third World countries, which envision futures based on desired and imagined histories, have perfected the art of the short view. Instead of saving for a rainy day, buy and spend now is the organizing ideology of liberal capitalism. Instead of protecting the environment, grow and pollute, clean up later! Instead of using material that are long lasting, that are soft on the Earth, use the materials that are the cheapest, irrespective of long term impacts, remain usual practices. And even though the language of internationalism, of democracy for all, is used, the world is not seen as a family, the West is seen as morally superior with the hordes of East and South threatening the American and European way. Essentially capitalist, that is creatively destructive, sustainability is a misnomer–except amongst the rising Green movement–since the natural is constantly reinvented. Problems are not owned, rather they are exported to nature and the Third World, and when pervasive, left on the alter of technology to solve.

Thus while all East Asian nations–with the dramatic exception of China–can be seen as committed to future generations (focused on education, the needs of children) partly because of their Confucian heritage, the model of development they have followed is inimical to nature and sustainable economics. Moreover, like the West they export their problems (often back to the West), however, they have managed to become industrial without becoming democratic. They have followed a different path to modernity, to excellence. As one Western writer notes about Chinese art, “For human happiness, democracy may be all very well; but for the visual arts, nothing beats 4,000 years of rigorous bureaucratic feudalism presided over by a lofty elite of scholars with a divine emperor on top.” Their economic success has forced the world to examine their culture and history with new eyes, with eyes not distorted by European hegemony. Among the results of this re-examination is a transformation of the idea of the future to the notion of future generations, to a familial, collective, intergenerational, cyclical view of temporality and culture. The linear theory of history, democracy and development, where all nations must travel the same road to modernity is no longer seen as universally valid.

THE SAGE AND DEMOCRACY

Democracy then should not be seen as a precursor to future generations-oriented governance. Governance for future generations based on the East Asian political model rejects representative democracy as practised in the Western liberal democracies. The model that appears to allow for future generations thinking is the Paternal “Father Knows Best” or rule of the wise person.

More important than liberal democracy is a unified vision of the future of the nation. The nation is constructed as a family, the corporation as an extended family, with the fundamental mission of the family being the creation of moral wealth for generations to come. It is not just wealth for wealth’s sakes but wealth as part of the drive towards the ideal virtuous person and leader. The strong leader, and the absence of a strong parliament and opposition, allow short term gains to be sacrificed for the long term. In the case of Singapore, this is philosophically legitimated through the idea of the Sage-King as developed in the works of Confucius and Chinese macrohistorian Ssu-Ma Chien. The sage-king, it is argued, is in harmony with the finer forces of the universe, with the principles of yin/yang. Reflecting both the ideal of the Tao–the way of virtue–and the wishes of subjects, he can best lead his people. The sage-king is not subject to short-term concerns and thus can be future generations-oriented. Short-term concerns are emotional, but the sage-king is wise. He is wise but as he is a king, that is, has coercive and persuasive authority, he also can ensure that his policies are implemented.

However, remaining a king is not a guarantee to perpetual power. The sage-king must act humbly, must reflect the wishes of heaven, must honor ancestors–he must reflect the tao and the people. “The sage has no mind of his own. He takes as his own the mind of the people,” says Lao-Tsu in the Tao-Te-Ching. Linking the idea of the sage with modernist democracy, South Korean political scientist Sang-min Lee makes this stunning observation. “For practicing democracy, above all politicians and people should become democratic persons. Because the self belongs to the social individual, personality is connected to sociality. …The object of democracy shall be self perfection based on the awakening of the self. [The] awakening self means that the individual accepts the subject of self-regulating opinion. Self-perfection is the same as the subject of conscious behavior, namely, a man of virtue,” The leadership represents the collective good, not necessarily the good of the individual. However, and this is key, the leader represents the higher or wise nature of the individual. If the sage forgets this, that is become maniacal, eventually he will lose his power. Unfortunately as in the case of Mao, the cost was the life of millions of people, alerting us to the limits of collectivist thought and more significantly to the problem of delinking spiritual thought from political matters–Mao found Stalin far more inspiring than Lao-tsu. Mao’s vision was not a balance of heaven or earth or of yin and yang but an exaggeration of male extroversial power.

THE BALANCED MIND

But it is not just from the ancient Chinese thought where we are offered a model focused on leadership and the wise sage. Indian philosopher P.R. Sarkar gives us a similar entry into a leader who can be future generations-oriented. Far more sophisticated than Ssu-ma Chien’s sage-king is Sarkar’s sadvipra. While we are unable to translate this sanskrit word into English, it roughly means the virtuous intellectual, the pure or good or moral intellectual. Sarkar’s ideal leadership is based on the complete mind, one that has the characteristics of physical, protective, intellectual, and financial service to others. Thus the ideal leader must be service-oriented, courageous, intelligent-visionary and comprehend the material world of resources. He imagines sadvipra leadership as primarily moral and social leadership, less concerned with government but more with ensuring that society has a direction, a vision, that the rules are fair, that humans treat each other well.

Sarkar’s leadership thus is an attempt to mix physical power, cultural power, and economic power into a new type of political power. Sarkar sees these leaders as foresight-oriented, that is, they anticipate the movement of the social era–the movement of history through various epochs–and as exploitation begins, they help bring about the next cycle. Sarkar imagines this cycle as rotating between worker (or brute, chaotic) power, warrior (or expansionist) power, ideational (or the rule of priests or technocrats) power and capital (capitalism) power. Each epoch transforms the social conditions of the previous era. The church (intellectuals) wrested power from monarchies (warriors), for example. Capitalism has reduced the power both of priests and of ideologies, constructs of intellectuals. But the cycle in itself cannot be transformed, that is, a perfect society is not possible, only a good society, where the periods of exploitation gradually decrease. The eschewing of the perfect society is important as it allows an escape hatch. The search for perfection is partly the inability to deal with difference, with chaos and complexity. The cost of perfection is a collectivism, a tyranny of the mass, under the direction of an imperial leader. Both Islamic and Western political theory have been burdened by the ideal of perfection. For muslims, the Medina State at the time of the Prophet represents the ideal polity. Unfortunately, the Prophet’s later successors used the structure of the State without engaging in shura (consultation) and ijma (consensus) that the Prophet and the rightly-guided caliphs did. All sorts of authoritarian rule, all sorts of horrors were justified by rulers because of the ideal of perfection. As El-Affendi argues: “By setting unattainable standards, it was easy to pass from the conclusion that perfection was impossible to the claim that all imperfect situations were equal

…Classical (Islamic) theory then gave advice on how to tolerate tyranny.” Islamic political theory did not offer any recommendation on how to dislodge the caliph. Since the caliph (ruler) came to represent perfection, all others were by definition less pious than him. Tyranny was authorized and the pious waited endlessly for the saint to deliver. The result was passive ineptitude instead of the development of institutions that could mediate evil, structures that allowed the community to resist tyranny without resorting to violent assassinations. Western political theory has had similar problems but at a broader level. While the Enlightenment gave rights to ordinary citizens, it did not remove the racial basis for the rise of the West.

Democracy was fine for the few, particularly those in the West. Others could be eliminated, enslaved, colonized and developed. Perfection as heaven has been theoretically achieved with liberal democracy, the task is merely to fill in the technical details. History thus ends with modernity since all others have been judged by the blinded eye of the West as apriori inferior, backward. It is this distorted imagination of the Other that results from a particularistic but universally applied view of the perfection society.

However, in Indian philosophy, it has been the perfection of the self, and not society, that has been the project. Sarkar combines this traditional organizing variable with the modernist call for social transformation and imagines the concept of the sadvipra. While the sadvipra certainly struggles against anarchist, monarchist, theological or capitalist forces (depending on the epoch), since there is no perfect society to be created, there is less of a possibility of the persecution of the other in the name of a grand ideology. But the sadvipra, while a grass roots leader, does have official standing. This is quite different to the shaman, the person outside of all knowledge categories. Much like the taoist, the shaman threatens the stability of common sense interpretations of life, work and love, by locating reality on the boundaries, by interrogating official power and language. For Sarkar, destabilization is only one of the activities of the sadvipra, much more is demanded of her/him.

Leadership is not solitary but articulated in the context of society. For Sarkar society is the family. It is a family moving together on a pilgrimage. “Society is like a batch of pilgrims that gather a strange power of mind in travelling together and with its help, solve all the problems of their individual and social life.”

In this sense, following the East Asian model, society is the family writ large. It is thus not surprising that Sarkar, like East Asians, does not believe that overpopulation is the central problem of the future (seeing it as a symptom of global imbalance of the use of material, intellectual and spiritual resources). Where Sarkar and Lee Kuan Yew might differ is that Sarkar would place far more emphasis on the cooperative economic system, while Lee would focus on multinationals and the State as drivers of change. For Lee, it is technocrats guided by Confucian morality that must rule, not sadvipra.

While Chinese political theory places the scholar above other categories raising him to kingship, as with Ssu-Ma Chien’s sage king, and while Indian political theory has been the struggle between the ksattriyan (warrior) and the brahmin (priest) as to who should rule , that is, who can lead society forward, Sarkar comes to a different conclusion. The ksattriya in itself is incomplete as his focus is only on technological and territorial expansion, on protective and coercive power, while the brahmin is incomplete in that his focus is only on theory-building, on ideas, on cultural power. A more complete form of leadership is needed; leadership with the complete and balanced mind.

THE FEAR OF TYRANNY

For Western thinkers–instead of assuming that man was good/sage-like, balanced between yin and yang, between the eternal natural principles or in a struggle between vidya and avidya (internal and external influences as with Sarkar)–the assumption was that men were evil, that power led to corruption. The fear of monarchy, of rule by the one, led to the creation of power sharing institutions and collective leadership. Through intermediate powers, the possibility of authoritarian rule was reduced. Authoritarian rule, it was argued, would, even if it claimed allegiance to future generations, more often than not follow policies aimed at maintaining State power (l’etat, c’est moi). Confucian thought alternatively has focused on the cyclical nature of leadership. Leadership begins as wise but over time it degenerates. Evil is a part of life, of history. Ultimately, however, the wise leader returns and the relationship between men and between men and Nature, and men and heaven is set right. The issue is not to reduce the power of the leader through intermediate governing bodies as in liberal democracy but to develop pedagogy that creates wise individuals, pedagogy that ensures that learning and governance remain unified. Indian political thought, in contrast, has been focused not so much on treatises as to how to govern as in Machiavelli’s The Prince or Kautilya’s Arthashastras, but with social and moral responsibility, what is the right thing to do so that individual enlightenment can be achieved.

For Sarkar, the Western model, while the lesser of evils, does not provide a solution to capitalist hegemony, that is with the social good. One-person, one-vote degenerates into one-dollar, one-vote, or one-bullet, one-vote. Money and power are used to distort elections such that even though there is official participation, the ultimate winner (in this epoch) is always the capitalist class. Democracy cannot be understood separately from capitalism, believes Sarkar. What is required is for the curtailing of capitalist power. A sadvipra-led society, that is, a society where the social and the spiritual dominate governmental power, could accomplish the transformation of capitalism. It would do this by locating democracy at the economic level (encouraging worker’s democracy, the cooperative system) and setting up electoral colleges where political franchise would be a right, but one granted after appropriate education focused on literacy and critical thought. While imaginative and far-reaching, the practical problems with creating sadvipras make Sarkar’s work appear fantastic, not realizable.

But from two different perspectives, we do gain similar commitments. For future-generations-oriented governance, leadership is central. Leadership is not necessarily democratic. In Lee Kuan Yew’s successful model, democracy is a hindrance, while in Sarkar’s theoretical model, it is clearly not the ideal state since it cannot move the social cycle forward. Democracy, while avoiding tyranny, also eliminates wisdom.

THE JUDICIAL BRANCH

But we do need to remain in these perhaps idiosyncratic non-Western models to continue our argument. Dator, for example, has argued (and found supporting evidence) that in the United States, the judicial branch is often the most future-oriented precisely because it is not bogged down with issues of re-election, with the necessity of making decisions that are immediately positive. The judicial branch can play the role of prophet, can make unpopular (but future generations sensitive) decisions, and not risk less of immediate power and long term authority. Recent reports on the Indian Supreme Court support this view as well. In Indian politics, issues of corruption, environment, caste prejudice, human rights have been intractable. No party or government has been able to make any progress. However, with the Indian Supreme Court becoming an activist court (to use the language of American judicial system) suddenly problems that appeared unsolvable are being solved. As Peter Waldman writes: “Court action in such matters as cleansing the nation’s air, rivers and blood supply to commandeering a bribery investigation of high public officials [give] India a singular advantage over rival countries in the global-development race.” Their decisions are not democratic but they are responsive, they are fair, and they are considered legitimate, certainly able to concretely benefit future generations unlike the myopic party-politics of the Executive and Parliament. It is this last criteria that is central. In the Pakistan case, the Supreme Court was not democratic but neither was it considered fair or legitimate. It consistently approved of executive decisions even when they blatantly violated human rights. Popular opinion over time stopped supporting that court since it lost its legitimacy, what Chinese thinkers would term the mandate of heaven.

LEADERSHIP AS THE LINK

Leadership, to use the ideals of our exemplars above, becomes the linking factor in creating future-oriented governance. In Creating a New History for Future Generations , Kim and Dator argued that participants at a conference on the needs of future generations tended to either focus on issues of consciousness or issues of structure. Those along the consciousness camp focused on increasing awareness of the needs of future generations (of the environment, of culture, of the weak); while those of the structure camp suggested that these ideals must be institutionalised, in, for example, a court of future generations.

Structure is concerned with institutionalizing ideas and behavior. It guarantees repeatability, thus equal opportunity, since it routinizes individual decisionmaking. Consciousness is focused on individual attitudes. It calls for a rupture in history, in structure, arguing that it is in our minds that transformation is possible. Leadership points to the possibility of transformation by individual example and through action that coalesces persons and groups so that attitudinal change is possible, so that new structures can be built. Leadership is the link then between structural and consciousness transformation.

LEADERSHIP
myth and inspiration

STRUCTURE CONSCIOUSNESS
institutions and repeated behaviors ideas and attitudes

In John Gardner’s landmark study on leadership, he identifies numerous crucial criteria of a leader that are useful for this discussion.
(1) They think longer term–beyond the horizon;
(2) They think in holistic terms, understanding complexity;
(3) They reach and influence constituents beyond their jurisdiction, beyond conventional boundaries and categories;
(4) They put heavy emphasis on the intangible of vision, values and motivation and understand intuitively the non-rational and unconscious elements in the leader-constituent interaction;
(5) They have the political skill to cope with the conflicting requirements of multiple constituencies, and;
(6) They think in terms of renewal. The leader seeks the revisions of process and structure required by ever-changing reality.

Certainly we could paraphrase this as saying that leadership must be future-generations oriented. Particularly from an Asian sense where the leader is a paternal/maternal category, where the leader has responsibility for others and only indirectly to others.

Perhaps it is not so much that democracy is the problem but that leadership is the answer. Wise leadership provides the possibility for the long term to not be mortgaged; it allows for dreams and visions to become institutions. It nurtures attitudes so that they become widespread. But perhaps most importantly leadership can draw talent and excellence, helping create new know-ware.

Gardener discusses how the great leader ensures that around them are even more leaders, that is ensures that his or her power does not become myopic, self-absorbed. “All too often they [leaders] recruit individuals who have as their prime qualities an unswerving loyalty to the boss and no power base of their own that would make insubordination feasible. When those criteria prevail, what might have been a leadership stems becomes, all too often, a rule clique or a circle of sycophants.” But that type of leadership would not be able to create institutions or consciousness transformations. What is needed is the ability of activating widening circles of supplementary leadership. Such an extended network reaching out from the leadership centre carries messages both ways. It can be equally effective in letting the intentions of leadership be known or in receiving a broad range of advice and advocacy.”

EVIL AND LEADERSHIP

But even then leadership can be fascist, as proponents of individual responsibility remind us. Lee’s model can be authoritarian, Sarkar’s model can easily decline into a rule of ayatollahs (becoming Maoist, calling for revolutions to maintain their own power instead of curbing exploitation or imposing their own “complete mind” on us lesser souls), and Gardner’s model would do little to prevent the fascism of the former Yugoslavia.

This becomes the central problem. Taking Gardner’s categories or categories from futures literature, the issue of evil is not adequately addressed. For example, Richard Slaughter describes four reasons why thinking about the future is essential: (1) Decisions have long-term consequences; (2) Future alternatives imply present choices; (3) Forward thinking is preferable to crisis management; and, (4) Further transformations are certain to occur.

We can add other statements that are valorized in the futures discourse. “The future is something we should be concerned with since it has been taken away from us,” “unless we create the future it will be created by others,” or “the future must be recovered from the homogenizing spaces of modernity.”

While at one level these are quite reasonable organizing principles futurists are committed to, these are also the platform for the Serbian Socialist party, which was instrumental in recent ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia. Nazi leaders would also find these issues unproblematic. Indeed, Wendell Bell argues that the origins of the futures field are partly with the “social engineering in the early days of Communist Russia, fascist Italy and Nazi Germany.” Certainly thinking about the future or even future generations is not a sufficient criteria for a good society, nor is leadership.

The strength in democracy is that it allows other voices to peacefully find expression. Its patience, always settling on the mediocre, prevents the monstrous. The weakness in leadership models, even those that advocate servant leadership is that in the quest for transformation, oppositional voices are often forgotten or co-opted through charismatic manipulation. Authoritarian systems indeed are more future-oriented than liberal, individualistic, short-term oriented democratic societies. However, whether socialist or fascist or religious, their commitment to future generations is accompanied by a cost, often the exclusion of other future generations. Indicted Serbian war criminal Dragoslav Bokan, who gained fame by forcing Croat civilians to walk through minefields, and gunning down those who refused, says that “All I care is how much I can use my influence with the young to inspire future Serb generations.”

INCLUSIVENESS

This then becomes the next crucial criteria: inclusiveness of the other (a deep democracy perhaps, not a shallow liberalism). Not “more of us and fewer of them” but a future generations-orientation that brings in other diverse cultures and viewpoints. Future orientation or future generations-orientation is then not enough of a call for transformation since groups desire to expand their own culture and curtail the world of other’s. Fortunately in Sarkar’s model, inclusiveness is central. While Cosmic Consciousness is a given (and thus for secularists his perspective is not all that inclusive), Sarkar argues for a vision of the future where our commitments are towards all humans, plants and animals, a neo-humanism. “In human society, nobody is insignificant, nobody is negligible. Even the life of a 100 year-old lady is valuable. In the universal society, she is an important member – she is not to be excluded. We may or may not be able to make a correct appraisal of her importance and we may wrongly think that she is a burden to society, but this sort of defective thinking displays our ignorance.” But not just humans have rights, believes Sarkar. “The Universe does not consist only of human beings; other creations, other animals and plants also have the right to live. So our universe is not only the universe of humans but the universe of all–for all created entities, both animate and inanimate.”

Future generations means all future generations, not just, those that are healthy, that fit into our definitions of normality or, as in our earlier case, Serbian (or Croat, Muslim, Jewish, Hindu, secularist) future generations. Inclusiveness becomes the safety mechanism that balances leadership and the parental, wise-person, governance model (what democracy tries to do in Western industrial societies). Without that, we have the politics of Iraqi Saddam Hussain or Serbian Slobodan Milosevic, where historical metaphors are used to create a visionary politics of the future that denies all but one’s own group rights. Hussain appropriates Salauddin, the heroic Muslim leader, and Milosevic evokes the Serbian defeat in the battle of Kosovo in 1389 as a rallying cry. Both use the past as symbols for recreating a new future that is visionary, mythic, participatory, authentic and long-term oriented. They break with the present recovering values silenced by instrumental modernity. But we can ask: isn’t this the platform of every progressive NGO? However, while apparently both leaders at the surface can be seen as futurist leaders, when placed alongside the issue of inclusiveness, they fall short. Milosevic, but not Hussain, even meets Gardner’s criteria of creating a second level leadership around him. Indeed, it is this second-level leadership that directly participated in the massive ethnic cleansing of Muslims throughout the former Yugoslavia, as mentioned earlier.

Moving away from a modernist concern for explaining society, the issue becomes how are symbols used for political purposes. At one level Confucianism explains the rise of Singapore (as do other contesting theories such as world systems theory which locates Singapore in the changing world capitalist economy); however, at another level, such a reading only reifies social phenomena. Confucianism–meaning respect for tradition, hierarchy, political leadership, education, care for the entire group–was evoked by Lee Kuan Yew so as to create a cohesive nation.

Since there always was historical allegiance to it in Singapore it was possible to gain quick legitimation. However, Taiwanese democrats have been arguing that Confucianism is not in any sense the only choice, the prearranged future.

Concerned more with breaking away from China, they evoke democratic theory. Confucianism would call on Taiwan to respectfully follow the path of the mainland and not contest its leadership, whereas through democratic theory, alternative frames of sovereignty are possible. Taiwan can choose if she wishes to remain part of China. Similarly, student leaders in Beijing evoked not Confucius but the American statute of liberty in their quest for transformation. Mao evoked Marx, Lenin and Stalin in his revolution. Milosevic evokes past defeats to create a Serbian nationalism so as to gain land and power. Sarkar wishing for transformation within hinduism and world materialism articulates a spiritual concept of leadership that can resonate with Tantric/Vedic history. Each uses past and futures to create alternative renderings of what can be.

Ideologies, traditions, and futures are thus not only explanatory factors but symbols used by leaders for their own normative purposes. Certainly, Lee Kuan Yew might have used a different ideology if he was in current Taiwan’s position. Indeed, in a recent interview in Time magazine, Lee Kuan yew argues for a modernized Confucianism, reminding that the best antidote to corruption is not wisdom or tradition but transparent government. “There are certain weaknesses in Confucianism. From time to time in the history of China, whenever there was weak government and favorities, Confucianism led to nepotism and favoritism.

Conscious of that, we have established checks through an open, transparent system, where aberrations can be spotted, highlighted and checked.”

FUTURE GENERATIONS DISCOURSE

Future generations thinking to articulate its own non-Western, amodern, politics of the future evokes the importance of inter-generational solidarity and unity with ancestors. Cyclical notions of time, premodern time, are also evoked. While at one level, one can barely argue with such a position, especially when the sentiment of indigenous peoples views on history are evoked. However, in both the Hussain and Milosevic cases, the misery of their ancestors, the cycle of history, is one of the direct reasons why others are currently eliminated. As S.P. Kumar argues, they exist in epistemologies in which the ontology of the curse is effectively functioning.

The love of one’s ancestors is thus not necessarily an organizing principle that can guarantee a bright future for humanity as a Confucian future generations-orientation discourse might argue. More often than not, the curses of the past are used to ensure that future generations will be even more miserable. But returning to the Yugoslav case, just because Croat fascists killed Serbs fifty years ago, does not mean that Serbs now have the right to slaughter Croats of this generation. The ideal of a united Yugoslavia was an inclusive State in which ethnicity was forgotten for the larger nation. However, with the break up of Yugoslavia, local leaders used the politics of fear and the past to derail inclusiveness and create a polity of imagined ethnic purity. Fear of the other was the potent force to guarantee an electoral mandate. The result was the victory of the politics of the short-term, of barbarism.

Inclusiveness is a long term struggle and project. But all of us place limits on the other. Inclusiveness, in the form of bilingualism, for example, as we learn from United States House of Representatives Newt Gingrich is dangerous to the future of the American state. It threatens the nation-state, since it challenges the stability of one language, one people, one text, and one vision. By bringing in cultural chaos and complexity, the success of the US as a melting pot is imperiled. Caucasians, as the real indigenous Americans, are under threat of losing their way of life to Hispanics, African-Americans, and Asian Americans.

Perhaps Gingrich is right. Multi-culturalism does threaten the nation-state. Malaysia and Singapore, as well as other Tigers, have partly succeeded by sublimating the race and language issue, by exporting Otherness out of the country. Economic growth that leads to enduring benefits for all culture’s future generations has been a priority. The hope is that from Malay, Chinese, and Indian, a new Malaysian identity can emerge. Culture is allowed at the level of mosque, temple, church in terms of religious preferences but English has become the language of business and Malay the language of the polity. Once industrialdom is reached, these silenced issues will sneak back in. Tamils and Chinese will want their cultural categories largely quieted in the rush to development, placed on the nation-building agenda. Will VISION 2020 then be able to continue? Hopefully by then Malaysia’s leaders will embark on a VISION 2050 that focuses on cultural diversity and globality as the central pillars of a post-industrial society, where the richness of many leads to the development of greater regional and planetary unity. But this level of post-nation building thinking is lost on Lee Kuan Yew and others. Homogeneity leading to economic wealth has been the mission. The future cost will be the soft fascist state where a standard of living is achieved, where there will be a happiness criteria, what one commentator has called the future as a grinning mouse. Singapore will be a socially engineered disneyland. Future generations might be happy that they were given education, health, housing and wealth but it will be in museums where they will have to go to see difference, since all culture will have been engineered.

CONCLUSION

Future generations thinking that includes the cultural, the global, the other that is balanced is needed. But it is too easy to state platitudes about desirable states, ignoring the problem of evil. This said, there is a great deal that future generations-orientation does add to current perspectives.

Among its important contributions is how population is perceived. In liberalism, individuals are not seen as resources, as brains, as spiritual beings that can contribute to the world, but as machines that create problems, as future drug addicts or mass murderers (especially the Third World within and without the West). Future Generations thinking rethinks population and thus it is important. Based on a Confucian Asian heritage, it brings back the idea of the larger extended family as the guiding metaphor. It also brings back the idea of moral and wise leadership as a way to harmonize the many types of power (in Sarkar’s model) or as a way of creating a brighter economic future (in Lee’s model). But for future generations thinking to have any impact, it will have to go beyond futuristic platitudes, since these are useful for sinner and saint alike, indeed, fascists tend to be more futuristic than liberal democrats, since liberals focuses only on short-term market forces.

Future generations thinking will have to be inclusive if it is to be of any importance to the current world crises. Being inclusive means both global and culturally rich, finding ways for a global conversations of cultures and of finding unity among the differences that we are. What this means is a commitment to chaos and complexity, to order and disorder, and to emergence, to the view that something other than who we are today can emerge. Whether this means post-human sapiens is debatable, but it does mean post-war human sapiens, post-genocidal humans. Structural institutions such as a court for future generations (as well as strengthening of the World Court, particularly the war crimes commission) are necessary conditions in the march to a future generations-oriented governance. Without these we will continue to be left with human carnage. One Red Cross official describes her memories of the damage man’s inhumanity towards man can do (in this case referring to the problem of land mines): “You see a woman working in the fields, trying to hoe her crops, and she has no legs. She is up to her waist in mud.”

Changing our attitudes from a focus on the present, on the short term, to the longer term is also a necessary condition. Nurturing leadership that can coalesce consciousness and structure–and is concerned with growth and distribution, environment and culture, and that is inclusive and global–is the necessary and sufficient condition. Examining these concepts in terms of how power uses the past and future for its own status-quo is the safety hatch.

New Learning Curve Sends Planners Back to the Future (1999)

Anticipatory Action Learning
Byline: Julie Macken
Australian Financial Review
January 1, 1999

The accepted strategies for forward planning have lost credence, forcing corporations to rethink and re-arm 

Typical. Just as corporate Australia is finally getting into the swing of strategic planning, along come some of the country’s foremost futurists and declare that the reign of strategic planning is over . The catchcry now is Anticipatory Action Learning (AAL), a transformative approach to negotiating the future that incorporates then transcends strategic thinking. 

Scenario and strategic planning grew in popularity after the apparent success of the Dutch Shell Corporation in the early 1970s. Having developed a number of future scenarios, Shell was able to utilise its forward thinking when the OPEC crisis hit a few months later. The company turned the emergency into an opportunity and went from seventh to second in the world of oil production in the process. 

But according to futurist Sohail Inayatullah, who spent the 1980s as the strategic planner for the Justice Department of Hawaii and is now a senior research fellow at the Queensland University of Technology, the same story also offers a perfect example of the limited nature of strategic and scenario planning. 

“Shell’s planning helped them turn a crisis into an opportunity,” says Inayatullah. “But because it was so superficial, it didn’t prevent them from creating their own crisis in the 1980s in Nigeria and then the Brent Spar debacle – both of which cost them dearly. 

“Strategic planning is a useful tool in the short-term, but any company that thinks it offers a way into the future is deluding themselves.” 

Unfortunately – from the futurist’s point of view – the human response to a world that’s spinning faster than ever before, with financial and geo-political realities changing moment to moment, is to contract and lock down the hatches. Just like the body does when it feels pain. The fact that this contraction and resistance actually makes the pain get worse is often overlooked. 

Strategic planning, whatever its shortcomings, at least offers the illusion of control and security. Sitting back and rehearsing various scenarios and preparing alternate responses to them while planning the next Great Leap Forward can be a momentarily galvanising experience. 

But despite living and working in an increasingly global market with its roots buried in a number of diverse cultures, most of these strategies are devised by white, upper-middle class men unused to imagining how the other half live. 

“Shell’s disaster in Nigeria would never have happened if they had involved the local Nigerian community in the planning stages,” says Inayatullah. 

“Likewise, if they had been talking to a range of stakeholders like environmentalists, Brent Spar would never have happened. One of the problems is that strategic planning forces you to use only one or two sources of information and those sources invariably look a lot like the dominant culture of the organisation. Closed systems like these rarely survive change.” 

During the ’80s and early ’90s the corporate sector, particularly in North America and Europe, poured resources into strategic planning. They worked on the theory that the more information they had about the future, the more research they did on modelling, the better equipped they would be in uncertain times. 

Yet very few anticipated the ascendancy of the hedge funds, the Asian crisis or the current shift to deflation. And the bad news, says Tony Stevenson, president of the World Futures Federation and director of the Communication Centre at QUT, is that they’re never going to be able to. 

“If we’ve learnt anything over the last 12 months it’s that change comes out of left field and comes fast,” he says. “The reason these things caught corporations and countries off-guard is because they were busy looking straight down the pipeline rather than around the world.” 

In a global marketplace it’s no longer safe to assume the rest of the world shares the same value system, vision or priorities as Australia’s corporate sector. According to Stevenson, few Australian companies are aware of the logic trap inherent in their future projections. He says: “Even in their scenario planning they fail to acknowledge that their vision is one that is culturally bound and informed by a male Judaic-Christian tradition. 

“Nothing wrong with these traditions except that they are very different from Confucian, Islamic, indigenous and Hindu world views. And they often don’t translate across cultures or genders for that matter.” 

It’s this presumption of sameness that brings many companies undone. While strategists may argue that they cater for differences by looking at four or five different scenarios, because they all operate from the same flawed premise – that is that their world view is the dominant one – they fail to keep an open mind. 

Having experienced the failure and humiliation that comes from taking such an arrogant position, Dutch Shell had the willingness of the drowning when it came to finding another way of operating in the world. 

It turned to a system called Action Learning (AL), the precursor to Anticipatory Action Learning. AL provided it with a way of de-layering management levels, introducing self-managed teams with a focus on empowerment, and removing formal lines of communication and hierarchy, relying instead on individuals and teams to form the networks that help their work. 

According to Robert Burke, CEO of Innovation Management at the International Management Centre, the process of AL alters the usual priorities from action to one where practitioners can reflect and assess strategies as they evolve. 

“The process of AL is: plan, act, observe, reflect, revise,” he says. “It’s a continuous cycle and because of that it removes the idea that it’s possible to make a plan, set your sights and just power through without ever having to change course.” 

While most companies and senior management are comfortable with the ideas of planning and action, observation, reflection and revision are a little – or lot – more difficult. ln Burke’s opinion, this is where good leadership becomes critical. 

He says: “A lot of companies fail because their internal features generate inertia that seduces senior management to opt for maintaining the status quo, favouring established directions that proved successful in the past. Mainly because their activities embed them in business communities that shield them from the wider community. 

“It’s clear that if an organisation is genuinely interested in change and in becoming a learning organisation, then it’s imperative the CEO lead the way and allow all team members to become leaders in their own right.” 

In Burke’s opinion, the issue of empowerment has become more critical as the speed of change accelerates. Like the human body, corporations need more than a good brain. They also need every organ and nervous system to be fluid, functioning and able to operate, even when the brain is resting. 

While acknowledging the short-term boost to productivity that fear provides – particularly fear generated by out-sourcing and down-sizing – Burke believes that as a long-term strategy it’s guaranteed to strip the workplace of meaning or care. And once that happens only the most desperate will want to be there. 

Anticipatory Action Learning brings together the tenets of Action Learning and post-strategic work that when operating together create fundamental principles of respect, open-mindedness and integrity that can translate across crises and cultures, according to Inayatullah. 

“Strategy is part of the problem because it only uses the intellect and limits chaos and complexity,” says Inayatullah. “Therefore it also limits all the other ways in which we know and understand the world – intuition, instincts and through relationships.” 

Stevenson and Inayatullah believe that while strategic planning gives an organisation the feeling of having control over the events, people and the future, AAL offers the opposite. 

“AAL teaches people and corporations how to let go and let things happen,” says Stevenson. “With the winds of change blowing so strong and erratically right now, survival means learning how to bend with the wind. To do that you need flexibility and humility. Unfortunately, I’m not sure corporate Australia yet recognises the value of those two attributes.”

BBC Interview (1999)

Visionaries, Week 6, Programme 3:

Education

Breaking Down the Barriers –

Towards International Understanding and Tolerance

Visionary:  SOHAIL INAYUTULLAH – PAKISTAN

We’ve started to move in a situation where post moderns say, yes, we can have many cultures, we can allow them in the doors of official knowledge of European civilisation.  But it’s still within the terms of the centre of the West.  So over the long run, my vision is that in fact we’ll have many cultures and some type of authentic encounter with each other.

Now, that authentic encounter isn’t going to come around for all of us just eating in a Pakistani restaurant or a Chinese restaurant.  It’s moving away from the commodity view of education, but it’s essentially about conversation, communication, and about trauma, where you meet them and they scare you, you hate them, they hate you, there is some struggle.

And the issue is, how do you deal with that struggle?  Do you run away and kill them, which is one way, or do you ask, what is it about them that I don’t understand?  How can I learn more about them?  What is it about me that’s also wrong, that they don’t like?

When I start to think about the future of knowledge, the future of subjects, or how causes interact with each other, one of my favourite examples is of the library.  Now, most of us think that the library is a political institution, but if you look at the structure of a library, it’s going to be government documents, social sciences, sciences, then on the top floor you might have ethnic studies, woman studies, Pacific studies, or whatever is the latest type of group vying for rights.

Now, that division seems to be universal, but if you ask Hawaiians, how would they construct it, they would have it quite dramatically – genealogy, where the ancestors sat, the Ina, the relationship with the land, the gods, those become your floors.  If you ask the Indian, the floors become the first layers of the body.  The second layer is the intellect, the third layer is intuition.  The fourth layer is the supra-causal mind, transcendence, discrimination.

So within each of those layers, you would get books.  So science would be just one floor.  You’d have floors and floors dealing with other notions of reality.  Even something as simple as a library, which we see as multicultural, becomes in fact quite unicultural.

So better schooling is not just saying, well we need more teachers from other perspectives, or we need the official female teacher or brown teacher etc., or we need better representation.  It’s also about asking, what are the world views that go into how we teach?  Every text is not just neutral.  So that partly means, how do we create children’s stories that are more multicultural?   If you look at children’s stories, it’s always about, if you’re a feminist, why is the witch always evil?  It’s very clear who’s the good guy, who’s the evil person.

These stereotypes of who we are are ones that have to be challenged.  There are not ones that help you learn about the other.  Now, let me give you one example.  There’s one cartoon called “Kimbo, the White Lion”.  I watched it today with my three and five year olds.  It’s about a white lion that lives in a jungle.  And he sat there puzzled.  And he said, “What do I do, basically, about human evolution?”  And his monkey friend, the baboon, said, “Well, you can’t change human evolution, it’s a cycle of life.  Grass eaters eat grass, and then meat eaters eat those animals and we keep on going.”  And Kimbo said, “No, I think we should stop eating meat.”  And the animals said, “How can we do that?”  And so he said, “No, we have to challenge evolution.  We have to create a new circle of life, where we’re not killing other animals.”

And this became quite dramatic.  Suddenly, he started to challenge official views of culture.  And he started also to challenge official views of evolution.  And I watched my kids watching that.   So suddenly that’s one of the first shows I’ve seen, where suddenly vegetarianism ceases to be something that hippies do, or something that’s done in India, but it became part of a common cartoon.

If I start to think about the future of education, going on a hundred years, two dimensions come to me.  One is about authentic multiplicity, that other cultures, their texts, their visions become part of how we learn about each other, not just one culture’s text.  Now, the other part of that is that it is not just about multiculturalism but about new humanism, meaning the rights of humans, but also of plants and animals.  The new humanism part is crucial, because it becomes the cardinal human values.  We can have multiplicities, but we have to ask, what is there that we embrace that’s basic?  And that’s our common humanity.

 

Feminism, Futures Studies and the Futures of Feminist Research (1998)

Ivana Milojević[1]

In 1995, we are part of thirty years of intensive feminist research. In these thirty years, research conducted from a feminist perspective has gone into many, sometimes even surprising, directions. Women’s studies now deal with women’s issues from many different viewpoints, feminist writers and researchers are coming from many different fields, traditions, and schools of thoughts. In these article, I examine the relationship between feminist and future research and also to contemplate how feminist research might possibly look in the future.

  FEMINIST RESEARCH IS FUTURE ORIENTED

In one respect, almost every feminist research is inevitably futuristic. As feminism is a program for social change, feminists are concerned with offering alternative visions of the future.  Change is also incorporated into the feminist understanding of social reality. Seeing, for example, norms of the objectivity, customs, law, religion, science, and other areas as historically and socially constructed, gives greater opportunity for redefinition, for reconstruction, for questioning givens, for more radical transformation, for change. What is seen as man made could be woman remade. Therefore, feminist research does not only include extrapolation, forecasting, and analysis of current trends but alternative visions, as well, even if these are seen by many as unfeasible utopias.

However, feminists tend to concentrate more on preferred visions and scenarios because extrapolation does not give us much hope for the future. If the future is just “a bit more of the same”, then feminist goals would be achieved in hundreds if not thousands (and hundred thousands) of years.

Of course, as there are many types of futures activities, the feminist movement does not correspond to all of them. In terms of specializing for different topics, or using different approaches there is a ‘division of labor’ within futures field. Some believe that futures field should be filled with analysis of trends, particularly analysis of technological developments or predictions, and even one of the most potential futuristic areas, science fiction, is predominantly derived from technological forecasting. Some futurists still believe in the ‘neutral’ role of a scientist who merely stands aside and marks, describes and predicts our nearby or distant future. On the other hand, there are more and more futurists who believe in futurism which is critical, value driven, and empancipatory, creating preferable futures.[2]  It is as much an “academic field as it is a social movement”,[3]  more concerned with creating instead of predicting the future. One of the central techniques used in this type of a futures work is empowerment. This technique is also used by many feminists. Empowering is seen as something which “involves giving people the ability, the power, to participate in the creation of their own futures”.[4]  Within this distinction feminism clearly stands on the side of those who “study likely alternatives (the probable)” and are more concerned about making ‘choices to bring about a particular future (the preferable)’.[5] The main focus is in the area of social futures, with constant critical and epistemological questioning about assumptions, paradigms, goals, values and purposes. Feminists often reject different schemes, tables and other ‘impersonal’ tools, coming closer to ancient and even ‘new age’ futurism which prefers intuition or imagination as specific subjective and qualitative research methods.[6]

There is also a clear distinction among futurists (in both approaches) who are more in favor of pessimistic visioning, so called dystopias (or counter utopias) concerned with catastrophes and decline and those who are incurably optimistic. It is quite easy to locate feminism within these two traditions. As with most other social movements (especially so called ‘modern’ ones) feminism promises us a bright future if only we follow some of its main ideological principles. Feminism not only chooses utopias consciously, it also needs them for many futures are mostly redefined  ideological values and patterns, in accordance with short and long term political, personal (with and linking relationship between the two) and social goals. Without utopias, feminist ideology and activity would lose some of its strength; while without ideology and praxis, feminist utopias would remain pure ideals, inaccessible, out of history and social reality, more or less irrelevant.[7]

In relationship to ideology, utopias, and movements, there is an important question in front of feminists. How much is feminist research and feminist output connected to the real world? And are feminist some sort of women’s elite, who actually don’t represent anyone else but themselves?  We know that there is sometimes a huge discrepancy between most ‘ordinary’ women’s and feminist’s opinions and attitudes. Here a few important points have to be made.

First, since gender roles are one of the most strongly defined among all of our roles, viewed as natural and not susceptible for a change, it is not surprising that a perspective which challenges deeply rooted believes confronts so much resistance, both by men and women (who have internalized basic patriarchal values); Second, feminism defines itself in terms of having an open approach, and feminist researchers do try and listen to the women they are researching, such that in many cases the starting hypothesis is changed and redefined (as with participatory action research); Third, most women do agree with feminist goals and ideas, but resist defining themselves as feminist since from the beginning of the feminist movement, there has been so much condemnation and sneering at feminists.

However, feminist research has proven to be ‘successful’ in uncovering hidden structural phenomena, in inquiry that goes a step further from superficial reality. After the first shock, feminism has proven to be capable of real futuristic research, since with times more and more women have accepted feminist views partly because of the positive feedback that has come through realized futures, through societal changes. Issues like sexual harrassement have become common place finding their space even in such traditional (patriarchal) areas like women’s magazines and talk shows. Apart from its roles in changing consciousness some concrete measures have also occurred as a result of feminist inquiry. After discussing ways of achieving desirable visions, feminist offer propositions that can make a difference, that can be a stimulus for social change. Some of those propositions have became property of many social movements, parties, agendas, and even UN conventions. The results of research to a certain extent has changed previous attitudes and the ways reality was seen. It has therefore influenced policy makers as well, both on local and global level. By showing the subordinated position women are in, “positive discrimination”, changes in representation quotas has resulted, thus improving conditions in many areas. That is the reason that the knowledge and research are, within feminism, repeatedly seen as means for altering facts, for altering data, for altering conditions in human societies. Both production of theory and production of knowledge are seen as political activities, moreover they are also seen as power itself.

Feminist research is supposed to be politically ‘correct’, and it is supposed to help us achieve better society. Feminists want to understand and explain but moreover they want to emancipate and transform. That is the reason that it is often stressed that research must be designed in such a way to provide insights and visions and to establish a dialogue with the future.

DIALOGUE BETWEEN FEMINISM AND FUTURES STUDIES

This dialogue between feminism and futures is something which is still missing although feminism has a futuristic note and although future studies has became more gender conscious with years. Feminists would be able to benefit largely from using some specific futures methodological tools, mainly backcasting, where utopias, and current goals are be connected more tightly, where strategy results not from means-end planning but from envisioning a desired future, believing it has occurred and then working backward to “anticipate” how it occurred. Of course, not just backcasting but any futurist’s ways of exploring future possibilities, alternatives and choices, purposes, goals and intentions, their experience in planning and decision-making, use of metaphors, emerging issues and layered causal analysis, as well as constant critical and epistemological future studies questioning of assumptions, paradigms and purposes, can only be beneficial for the feminist research. What-if questions and scenarios could help us move from the present even more dramatically and thus create the real possibilities for new futures. Futurists involved in participatory and emancipatory futures activities are concerned with the preparation of people for changing the future, and even if the changes are through technological development they are largely considered in the context of cultural goals, generated from different spheres including grassroots activities. Many futurist as well as many feminists believe that the real change begins at the grassroots and that is the preferred change in contrast to directed one from the government and power positions.  This focus on grassroots activities is a crucial point of convergence between futurists and feminists.

Feminist should consider seriously getting involved in futures reasons for some pragmatic reasons as well. Our time is characterized by increased interest for future studies, whether because of the approaching “mellinium” or because of the unprecedented nature of technological change, the future has arrived. The number of publication and members in futuristic societies are largely increasing every year, and furthermore, within almost every separate scientific discipline, the futures approach is developing either as separate area or continuumum of what has been researched.[8] Through the future studies field feminism can spread its influence to many different areas which could be otherwise closed. Through a dialogue both fields can enrich themselves.

In the next part of the article I discuss the feminist critique of the futures field and argue that futures studies should include feminist perspective in its dominant knowledge paradigm.

FUTURE FUTURE RESEARCH SHOULD BE GENDER CONSCIOUS

Future studies should have the most flexible, the most diverse, and sometimes even surprising approach since their field of study exists in the unlimited human mind rather then in already given events and data. But futrues studies also generates and follows epistemological and methodological practices from already existing social sciences. The work we are doing is inevitably limited not only because of traditional opinions in science, notions and theories which rules scientific thinking in certain periods, but also because of our own interests, values, dreams and visions.

Critics of the research in the field of future studies argues that this field is also burdened with a male-centred bias. We could start with showing what is the proportion of women and man in the field, for example, we could show their participation in World Future Society, World Future Studies Federation, as well as in government planning agencies, among policy makers and others who control important political decision.[9] We could also analyse the sexism in titles, constant use of pronoun ‘he’ and noun ‘man’ when discussing ‘universal’ issues (though lately, language has become more sensitive), lack of topics of concern to women, etc.

A deeper approach would include a critique of current methodologies and epistemologies in the field. Patricia Huckle, for example, stresses that much of future research methodologies is controlled by man and male viewpoints.[10]  She points out at the use of “experts” and the way problems are chosen in methods like Delphi technique or in developing future scenarios. Women would not chose experts but would prefer small groups, working together in an egalitarian environment to solve agreed upon problems. She further claims that not only methods closer to “science fiction” (science-fiction writing is, as she points out, also quite different when writting from feminist perspective) represents the man point of view, but that trend extrapolation, cross impact matrices, quantifiable data for identifying alternative future, simulation modeling, simulation gaming and technological forecasting also “suffer from the limits of available data and ideological assumptions”. The questions asked, the statistics collected, the larger framework of knowledge remain technocratic–and thus male in the sense that they avoid issues central to women.

However, most assumptions futurists hold about the future, feminists share as well. Those would be: that the future is not predetermined and thus not predictable; that the range of alternative futures exists, and; that the future will be (from minor to major changes) different in many respects from the present world.

However, among basic assumptions about the future belong another one which would be very problematic seen from a feminist perspective. And that is that the notion that future outcomes can be influenced by individual choices and that individuals are solely responsible for the future.[11]  While this is certainly true on one level, this assumption has to be put into social context, reinforced with the concept of power and the availability of the choices. Otherwise it would represent typical Western and male way of looking at those enpoverished women bounded by tradition, family, society, economy or politics. In its bare form it further assumes position of power, stability, democratic and moderately rich environment. Unfortunately, for the vast majority of people the future does just happen to them. Black and white, aggressor/victim theory would not contribute much to the discussion. But, for example, let us consider the future (or past which was future once) of those who were colonized. Some people attempt to avoid or resist colonization, but for most whatever they attempted to do, colonization was a given, almost like a physical force in a form of tornado. The unavailability of choices also implies to people in war zones, ordinary citizens, children abused by adults, young women sold as sex slaves, and unfortunately, many, many others. When looking at the metaphor for choices, that one of using road map to get to particular destination, it is forgotten that most people in our global world, and women especially, do not possess neither map nor a car. Furthermore, put in the mentioned situation they would not know how to read the map as it is a product limited to a particular culture and particular class. To conclude, there are many things we, as humans, or as a particular group of people, can do about the changing conditions of our lives, about influencing our future. But, there are maybe even more things, we as a particular group of people, individual or family unit, can do nothing about, since we exist within given historical social and world structures (gender, of course, being one of these historical structures).

There is also one very specific area in which many feminists see the most danger in having male-dominated future’s research and that is the area of controlled reproduction.[12] Man has been trying to control and dominate women’s participation in procreation at least since the beginning of the patriarchy, and current development of medical science might enable them to gain almost complete control over human reproduction. This would totally marginalize women, as they would be enterily removed from the reproductive biological cycle. Feminists argue that in this crucial area of future of the humanity and human evolution women’s approach must be of extreme importance. This is so not only because these are our bodies and genes involved, but as welll because women were largely responsible for human reproduction from the beginning of our species existence, our identities have become to a large extent based on this biological history. Of course, cutting this responsibility could be by some seen as liberating for women’s destinies (they would escaped childbirth and possibly childrearing), but what is worrisome is that it could further decrease woman’s say in what would be our common future. Developments in genetics are occuring without women’s voices, Bonnie Spanier argues in her Im/Partial Science: Gender Ideology in Moecular Biology[13] nongendered bacteria are described in gendered terms, often reinscribing dominant/subordinate relationships. Even the building blocks of life (and they are being transformed by new technlogies) are not immune from sexual ideology.

Unfortunately, it is not only medicine and biology where women do not have control over the research agenda. Women’s participation in science in general is still very limited, and so it is in the futures field.  However, there are many reasons why women should be included in this field.

(1)        Women’s role in many societies is changing rapidly, women are becoming more visible in many public areas. Statistically, we represent at least half of the humanity, and in the future women could significantly outnumber men (given the improvement in health and the fact of longer life expectation). The importance of physical force is decreasing with new technological changes so another argument for women’s subordinated position is disappearing.

(2)        Eleonora Masini argues that women can create alternatives for future better then men because of certain individual (flexibility, rapid response to emergency situations, superimposition of tasks, definite priorities and adaptability) and social capacities (solidarity, exchange, overcoming of barriers). She also shows the impressive range of women’s activities in many social movements such as peace, human rights and ecological movement. These activities will influence the future, less in terms of obvious revolution and more in terms of “an important, slow historical process of change”,[14] in creating a global civil society.

(3)        Many futurist perfer not to predict how the future would look like, seeing prediction as a mere extension of present data. They would rather see futures (and use such methods) which would bring better lives for the majority in the world community. As for women, wherever we look, no matter how bad conditions men are in, women’s conditions are always worse. According to data extrapolation, women will continue to suffer from poverty, violence, malnutrition, physical and mental abuse. We will also continue to be disadvantaged in employment, education, politics, health, law, and planning, i.e. in “controlling” the future. Clearly, women have an important say in how and what methods are used in understanding and creating the future, particularly in exploring partnership visions of the futures.

(4)        Most social scientist agree that we are entering a new era. The names range from ‘postindustrial’ to ‘information’ or ‘tourist, traveling’ societies but what is characteristic for the time we live in is that, like in all other major transitions in the past, we witness huge changes in almost every aspect of our lives. One of the main area where those changes are taking place is in our systems of belief and ways of knowing. Many intellectual see this era as the end of the domination of the Western civilization, which has reached its peak and which could collapse or it could be qualitatively transformed. In many respects, not only women’s but the future of the humanity does not promise much if we don’t  radically change our ways of exploiting the nature, organizing society, treating the “other”, dealing with differences. Feminist visionaries could give important contribution in making alternative ways of living and thinking, in describing the transition into this new era.

(5)        Even while there is a visionary dimension to futures studies, at the same time, the Future field is in some ways responsible for maintenance of the status quo. As Slaughter argues: “Many of the major institutional centers of futures activity have tended to maintain close links with the centers of social and economic power. Future research, forecasting, and education appear to be dependent upon government or corporate support and hence constrained to varying degrees by given definitions, imperatives, and economic structures”.[15] Slaughter also points out that the field remains strongly associated with North America and that many of the future studies institutionalized forums has became associated with the needs of relatively powerful groups. This would represent an artificial narrowing of vision, a closure rather than an expansion.[16] Extending futures field by critical approaches, feminist and others, could help remove these limitations.

PRINCIPLES FOR NON-SEXIST FUTURE RESEARCH[17]

Feminist researchers developed several epistemological principles for gender conscious research. Cook and Fonow summarize them in five basic ones:[18]

(1)        acknowledging the pervasive influence of gender;

(2)        focus on consciousness-raising;

(3)        rejection of the subject/object separation and assumption that personal experience is unscientific;

(4)        concern for the ethical implications of research;

(5)        emphasis on the empowerment of women and transformation of patriarchal social institutions through research.

In similar way Margrit Eichler gives four epistemological principles or rather propositions which she derives from the basic postulate of the sociology of knowledge. Those principles are:

(1)        all knowledge is socially constructed;

(2)        the dominant ideology is that of the ruling group;

(3)        there is no such thing as value-free science and the social  science so far have served and reflected men’s interests;

(4)        and because people’s perspective varies systematically with their position in society, the perspectives of men and women differ.[19]

Besides this epistemological principles feminist have made few changes within social science methodology. Methods used in feminist research are actually ones which already exist and are recognizable tools in social sciences.  What is new is the way they are applied, more precisely the thematic content they are used within. Thematic content is changed in two main ways:

(1)        already existing data and “facts” are re-examined and reinterpreted from a new perspective, and

(2)        previously non-existing phenomena or those considered of no importance are analyzed (childbirth, housework, wife abuse, rape, incest, divorce, widowhood, infertility, sexual harassment, pornography, prostitution, women’s thoughts from private letters, memoirs, diaries, journals) and stress is given to some crisis situations which demystify the assumed naturalness of patriarchy.

If futures research wants to be non-sexist or rather feminist-gender-conscious it does not have to follow all of the principles but at least a few. It is also important to pay attention and avoid sexism in titles, in language, in concepts, in research designs, in methods, in data interpretation and in policy evaluation.[20]  Future feminist research (done by those who share the values of feminism and futures studies) must take into account rapid changes and rethink some of the methods used. For example, within futures field topics such as future childbirth have been discussed but some of the very important question have not been stressed enough. We know quite a bit about possibilities for having children produced in artificial wombs, about genetic engineering and choices enabled by technological developments; however, questions such as: what would that mean for the babies and women, how would their experience look like, what would artificial upbringing mean to the relationship between mother and her children, are women still going to have the right to breastfeed, who is going to decide about how many babies is particular women going to have, and many others, have rarely been raised. Here, futures research still stays in the secure domain of technological forecasting, unable to reveal the circulation of power in particular futures.

Past and current feminist research rediscovered women’s history and their existence as people and persons rather then just in terms of their relationship to men, mostly through women’s private letters and diaries. Some questions about the future would include, for example, how would feminist research draw conclusion on women’s thoughts in the time of depersonalized personal computers, who has control over communication process and is women’s work going to disappear from hard drives and diskettes as it had disappeared through other forms of written history? Or questions about the future of the housework: If housework is going to be done with the help of robots, who is going to make the software, whose priorities within the household are going to be respected, those of men, women or children? Many other have to be raised and that is where futures feminist research should channel its energy.

THE FUTURE OF THE FEMINIST RESEARCH

In order to discuss what would be the future of feminist research I would like to quickly skim through the history and main changes in research done by feminist. When we talk about its relationship with science, feminist research has gone through three main phases. In the first phase, feminist authors discovered women’s absence from the mainstream, or, how it is sometimes called, malestream science, accusing it for being sexist, partial, biased, with strong patriarchal values incorporated into “objective” theories and data.  In the second phase, the inclusion (re)discovery of female voices, histories, thoughts, beliefs, lives and visions resulted, mostly through qualitative approaches. So after the initial deconstructionalist phase, we gained research about women done by women and for women.  The Third phase would result in some kind of synthesis, in the incorporation of feminist research into a transformed mainstream science and realization by feminists that only if they research men as well as women can they develop a feminist science. [21] In this phase deconstruction also becomes more radical by challenging the category of women (and men) itself.

Following the current efforts and inclinations we would expect that feminist research would go even more towards interdisciplinary approach, and become more and more diverse, and more future focused. In addition, to a more future focus, the last decade has seen feminism become more civilizationally and cultural sensitive. The feminist movement has become increasingly aware of overgeneralizations, especially implementations of Western feminist positions to the other parts of world. We, as women, do share similar destinies, but it has become obvious that not the same solutions can apply everywhere. Aminata Traore, for example, stresses that:

They (Western feminist) have appropriated to themselves the right to interfere in our affairs, to dissect and pass judgement on them and to draw conclusions that have sometimes become action programs against which we can do nothing…. Together they want to liberate us from our cultural realities which they regard as archaic, and from our governments which they consider to be corrupt… In Africa the greatest impediments to women’s advancement are economic and political. But international thinking merely condemns our societies and our cultures.”[22]

She also points out that many African women are determined to distinguish themselves from Western feminism, so many women’s associations insist on being regarded as “feminine” rather than “feminist”. The same implies to many other women, including Muslim women, women from former socialist countries or Chinese women who also coined a new term and would like to be seen as involved in “feminology” instead in “feminism”. Although the Western approach has been predominant so far within the feminist movement, voices of women from other traditions are increasingly heard, and are shaping the future of the feminist movement, itself. It is interesting to notice the different perception of Muslim and other women in the example of veiling. While, for most Western feminists, veiling and other forms of women’s covering could mean nothing but the horror, the ultimate in women’s oppression, for most Muslim women, the experience is quite the opposite. For them, head scarves and long sleeves may be experienced as a sensible way to dress in the hot climate, it can mean a statement of support for their religious beliefs, or an economic way to dress, the choice to live peacefully among neighbors, or the protection against sexual harassment. Embrace of fundamentalism, so scary for Westerners if it is not the fundamentalism of their own, could actually be the path to liberation for many Muslim women. They could use religion as their protection and a way of confronting men, seeing Western women as disadvantaged as they could turn only to less confining abstract morality and concrete law. [23] Inclusion of “the Other” has helped feminism see certain contradictions, like, for example, “The contradiction between liberalism (as patriarchal and individualist in structure and ideology) and feminism (as sexual egalitarian and collectivist)”. [24] So while most Western feminists start “with a recognition of freedom of choice, individuality, and ‘rights'”, these concepts are “specified in terms of the way that Patriarchy organizes racial and economic inequality”. [25]

Feminism has learned a great deal from the inclusion of other perspectives.  This has been further encouraged by the influence of postmodernism. While feminists have criticized many of the malestream theories which would claim to speak universal truths, “particularly in the early days of feminist theory, many accounts that aimed for explanations of male/female relations across large sweeps of history were proposed. Moreover, and this is a tendency that continues, many feminist writings have included statements containing terms such as man, women, sex, sexism, rape, body, nature, mothering, without any historical or societal qualifiers attached.” [26]  “The production of grand social theories, which by definition attempt to speak for all women, was disrupted by the political pressures put upon such theorizing by those left out of it – poor and working-class women, women of color, lesbians, differently-abled women, fat women, older women”.[27]  For Linda Nicholson postmodernism then “appeared as an important movement for helping feminists uncover that which was theoretically problematic in much modern political and social theory. Postmodernism was also useful in helping feminism eradicate those elements within itself that prevented an adequate theorization of differences among women”. [28] She further concludes, that what “postmodernism adds to feminism is an expansion of the widely held feminist dictum “The personal is political” to include the dictum “the epistemic is political”, as well. [29] It is interesting to point out that feminism through this embrace of postmodernism stay critical, if not sometimes sarcastic, towards some of its conceptions: “Surely it is no coincidence that the Western white male elite proclaimed the death of the subject at precisely the moment at which it might have had to share that status with the women and peoples of other races and classes who were beginning to challenge its supremacy”. [30] While feminism might “use” postmodernism for its own purposes, it tries to remain that critical note, which has been present from the very beginning in feminist research.

Futures studies, of course, have been involved in a similar broadening. While Mary Daly argues that “patriarchy appears to be ‘everywhere'”, and that “even outer space and the future have been colonized” [31], it seems that “the future” as a category in itself is being decolonized. Or at least, colonizers have been exposed. Instead of only being concerned about technological forecasting, images of the future based on discrete civilizational categories are increasingly being explored. [32]  Moreover, the field in itself has been challenged as being overly male, Western, not just in terms of its participants but in terms of the knowledge categories used.  Thus more voices are entering “the future” as they are entering “the feminism”, at one level contesting these fields and another level creatively re-making them based on different cultural histories.

The need for expanding the feminist field so it can include non-Western perspectives, Ann Curhoys has called ‘the three body problem’ of feminism (class, race and gender analysis). Since there is an infinite complexity at any level of analysis, many choose only one concept or at the most two. Trying to incorporates all three concept into research makes analysis too complex to handle. However, despite all the difficulties, incorporation of cultural and ethnic diversity as central, rather than a marginal or “added on” issue, becomes the basic task for future feminist research if it wants to form the basis for an adequate social theory. [33]

Besides the need to incorporate culture, religion, race, age and class analysis, future feminist research has to consider technological and societal changes as well. Already research by such writers as Donna Harraway in her excellent Simians, Cyborgs, and Women [34] has begun the process of locating feminism in the emerging new technologies.

More research is needed on the feminist response to current world problems such are energy crises, increase in unemployment and poverty, increase in social differentiation, in pollution, in violence, to mention just the few areas of research. How would feminism see the way out of these problem and what would be its solutions for the future? In trying to give certain visions and preferable scenarios for the future, futures feminist research would be increasingly beginning with the experience of women as central, and the traditional malestream approach as “the Other”. Up till now feminist research mostly began the other way around. For example, Kathy Ferguson titles her book, The Man Question instead of phrasing it in the traditional way (“The Women question” as socialists did). The time has come for a change, since feminism have gained so much in its strength. Even if the actual movement is not so present in the streets and mass gathering, women’s movement in West has became incorporated within most public spheres, within the categories men and women use to see. Some believe that this success means that feminism is dead, therefore we cannot speak about any future feminist research. “I realized finally that feminism, as such, was finished forever: a victim of its own success. Better that women get on with it–with working, writing, teaching, driving taxis, whatever–and stop thinking about themselves a s a special sub-species of the human race, in need of special attention.” [35]

My opinion is that this is too good to be true and that while feminism has achieved some things in some countries, as long as women continue to do two thirds of the work on this planet, earning and owning less then 10% of world’s resources, and as long as women stay discriminated in almost every single area of human life, we need a feminist research. Feminism gave us new vision on gender issues, it has became one of the central tools in gender analysis and there is no reason to abandon it at this point in history.

On the contrary, feminism is becoming a world phenomenon with a growing feminist consciousness in developing and poor countries. It does face a backlash all over the world as well, but what is more important is that feminism is increasingly becoming part of the dominant scientific paradigm, particularly in Western societies (sexism is much easier to criticise and institutions are forced to make gender changes to accomodate women). Because of its strength it can now afford to be criticized, especially from the position of non-white, non-western, non-middle/upper class women. Malestream universalism is then challenged not with another universalism but with the approach which is inherently open, more inclusive with true calls for diversity and difference. Feminism then has only few ‘givens’ and everything else is to be open for discussion and redefinition. Through all the differences, all feminist and vast majority of women concerned with improving women’s position within their societies agree that it is necessary to understand women’s subordination and to emancipate us. Analysis of causes of subordination as well as how emancipation is to be achieved vary, so we could expect to see different solution depending on a position taken. Feminist research will be different if taken from liberal, marxist, socialist, radical, reformist, black, lesbian, or anarchist feminism, and it will go in quite different directions if taken by Muslim, feminologist or within feminine approach. This diversity can only enrich current feminism and help think about how to achieve more just societies.

When we talk about changes in feminist theory and epistemology we should remember that feminist methods did not appear completely independently, out of nowhere. They represent historical development within both science and society. The stimulus from society came mostly through democratization (industrialization) of Western societies in this century and feminist movements. Within social sciences, feminist methods and principle of feminist research follow several traditions such as: hermeneutics (inclusion of the subjective into the research), critical theory (orientation towards action, social change and emancipation), empiricism (partialities and biases are correctable through methodological improvements), postmodern approach (skepticism about universal “truths” and universalizing statements based on inevitably partial knowledge), standpoint epistemology (in their view that those who are less powerful have access to more complete knowledge through so called double vision). In that sense, the future of feminist research will also be connected with the changes both in science and in wider societies. Riane Eisler sees questioning of sex roles and relations as a part of a broader movement towards greater democracy and egalitarianism. This global movement for change happens in both private and public spheres with attempts to create a world in which the principles of partnership rather than domination and submission are primary, “the world of greater partnership and peace, not only between men and women but between the diverse nations, races, religions and ethnic groups on our planet”.[36]  Most futurists, at least those within critical and emancipatory tradition, are part of this global movement. So are most feminists. In that sense it is extremely important to establish dialogue between all of those who claim to be trying to achieve more just societies. This concern, how to think and make an “ideal” society, has been present for thousands of years. Throughout our recorded history different forms of domination had been challenged. Priests and wizards, kings and chiefs, rich and white, male and old, they all had seen at least some of their powers diminished. At the same time, we are almost as far from society which would be free from injustices, victims, oppressed and discriminated, as we have ever been. There is enough data to support the view that, in terms of justice, nothing had been and cannot be done.

At least four different (philosophical) viewpoints crystallized on transformations of human societies experienced since the beginning of our history, in terms of discriminations and improvement of our societal organization:

(1)      History is linear in the sense that every new society represents different but at the same time more developed and “better” way of organizing our lives.

(2)      History is linear in the sense that every new society represents further withdrawal of who we really are.  Eventually, this direction will lead us to total distraction,  humans as a species will stop to exist.

(3)       History is cyclical: every new society is in some ways better and in some ways worst then the lost one. But there is no real  improvement in our lives, nothing is forever, i.e. everything is susceptible to change and can go either way.

(4)       History is static: there had not been any improvement in human lives, there were and will always be oppressors and oppressed, just names are changing, and different groups are getting into first or second category.

So, what could be the future of the dispowered half of the humanity that are women? Our future is seen differently from feminist and non-feminist (all others) perspective, and at the same time it will effect any research done in the future, as part of the wider societal influence. Here I will look at the four possible scenarios and what would each mean for futures feminist research.

history valued basic categories women future
linear positive improvement changes in franchise, laws, educa-tion, employ-ment, etc. women and men as equal partners
linear negative decrease fall from matriarchy women fight back for lost empire
cyclical no change or minor changes always oppressed, but within  different patterns possibility for positive change, less oppressed in the future
static no change destined by sex and biology women will continue to be “second sex”

(1)        The first scenario would be the most preferable one. It views history as the path in which basic human rights are increasingly met, and those of women in particular. Women are entering and changing most public areas, even those who were for thousands of years reserved exclusively for man. This improvement, although it could come under minor backlashes, will continue throughout our future. Future will see women and man as equal partners, it will be realizing of the utopia in which people would be seen primarily as individuals and not in the terms of their belonging to certain gender, race, class, nation or religion.

(2)        The second scenario is one of decline in which history is seen as the continuous lose from our real selves, from nature and Goddesses. The last 5, 000 years represent the continuous decline for women, their fall from matriarchy after they became the first slaves. Female deities, reflecting women’s culture and women’s power, universally accepted by humankind until the modern era of immediate pre-industrial societies are forever lost. But women should not accept this fall, they should appropriate the Amazon myth and exclude themselves from men, which would be the only way to liberate ourselves.

(3)        In the third scenario, the cycle is the most powerful metaphor. Women had been always oppressed, even in matriarchal societies, when the matriarchy purely ment that genealogy was feminine. Women’s oppression follows different patterns, it varies in different societies and different period of times, so that could give us some hope for the future. Even women will always be dominated by man, their oppression could be lessen by appropriate government or religious measures. It will also be influence by major societal changes in which the quality of life for all will be improved. The cycle promises temporary liberation, for the strong shall fall and the weak rise, but they too fill fall.

(4)        The fourth scenario is one in which changes are perceived to be minor. Women are destined by their sex and biology, and even if liberated from reproduction through technology, their physics would never allow them to gain equal status. Women’s minds are still, and will always be, in the hands of their bodies, and in that sense remaining ‘second citizens’ would be the just and only possible future.

Depending on a person’s position different scenario would be chosen as a solution for the future. Within the feminist field, different solutions would be chosen from liberal or radical position. In the example of the scientific inquiry, while liberal feminists would see futures feminist research see as incorporating a better sample and a greater number of women researchers, radical feminist would not be satisfied if every aspect of our lives is not challenged and questioned. Certainly, the future will be different for different women, and that is something futures feminist research will have to deal with. Feminism is constantly testing, constantly destabilizing social relations, challenging social conditions. Just as in emancipatory futures, the goal is to constant recreate the future, recreate new visions, create new possibilities, never end up with a utopia, since as Ashis Nandy writes, “today’s utopia is tomorrow’s nightmare.”[37].

However, for feminists, there are concrete goals that must be realized, the day to day life of girls and women (as well boys and men depend on it). Thus, to conclude, we (feminist, women, people) should hope that the future will see the realization of the first scenario. That would be of crucial importance for our common future, women’s future and the future of feminist research. As Sandra Harding points out “we will have a feminist science fully coherent with its epistemological strategies only when we have a feminist society”.[38] Futures feminist research will be shaped by its tradition and developments within feminism, science and society. Of course, since since the future is an open space, the real character of the futures feminist research is yet to be seen.

Notes

[1].         Ivana Milojević is an assistant at the University of Novi Sad, Serbia, currently on leave and living in Brisbane, Australia.  I would like to thank June Lennie and Sohail Inayatullah for providing me with research materials and editorial assistance.

[2].         For an analysis of the futurists field see, for example, Roy Amara, “Searching for Definitions and Boundaries”, The Futurist, February 1981, pages 25-29; Roy Amara, “How to Tell Good Work from Bad”, The Futurist, April 1981, pages 63-71; Roy Amara, “Which Direction Now”, The Futurist, June 1981, pages 42-46; Richard A. Slaughter, “Towards a Critical Futurism”, three articles in the World Future Society Bulletin, in following issues July/August 1984 (pages 19-25), September/October 1984 (pages 11-16 and 17-21); Somporn Sangchai, Some Aspects of Futurism, (Honolulu, Hawaii Research Center for Futures Study, 1974); and Richard A. Slaughter, editor, “The Knowledge Base of Futures Studies”, special issue, Futures, April 1993, 25(3).

[3].         Sohail Inayatullah, “Epistemologies and Methods in Futures Studies” page 3 in Richard Slaughter, ed., The Knowledge Base of Futures Studies (Melbourne, Futures Study Centre, 1995).

[4].         Martha J. Garrett, “A Way Through the Maze: What futurists do and how they do it”, Futures, April 1993, 25(3), page 271

[5].         Roy Amara, “Searching for Definitions and Boundaries”, The Futurist, February 1981, page 26.

[6].         However, some authors claim that since the feminism is a perspective and not a research method, feminist scan use a multiplicity of research methods and they, in fact, do so. See, for example, Shulamit Reinharz, Feminist Methods in Social Research, (New York, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992), page 240. Her analysis on feminist use of different methods is as follows: “Some feminists argue that there is no special affinity between feminism and a particular research method. Other support interpretive, qualitative research methods; advocate positivist, ‘objective’ methods; or value combining the two. Some imply ‘use what works’, others ‘use what you know’, and others ‘use what will convince’.” (page 14)

[7].         For the relationship between utopias and ideology see Herbert Marcuse, “The End of Utopia”, and Karl Manhajm, “Ideology and Utopia”, in Miodrag Rankovic, Sociologija i futurologija (Sociology and Futurology), (Belgrade, Institut za socioloska istrazivanja Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu, 1995).

[8].         See, for example, Richard Slaughter, ed., The Knowledge Base of Futures Studies (Melbourne, Futures Study Centre, 1995).

[9].         A glance at membership directors and the gender distribution of articles published in futures journals and magazines quickly makes this point.

[10].       Patricia Huckle, “Feminism: A Catalyst for the Future”, in Jan Zimmerman, editor, The Technological Woman (Praeger, New York, 1983).

[11].       See, for example, Geofreey H. Fletcher, “Key Concepts in the Futures Perspective”, World Future Society Bulletin, January- February 1979, pages 25-31; Roy Amara, “Searching for Definitions and Boundaries”, The Futurist, February 1981, page 25; Richard A. Slaughter, Futures: Tools and Techniques, (Melbourne, Futures Study Centre, 1995).

[12].       See, Susan Downie, Baby Making: The Technology and Ethics (London, The Bodley Head, 1988).

[13].       Bonnie Spanier, IM/Partial Science: Gender Ideology in Molecular Biology (Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1995).

[14].       Eleonora Masini, Women as Builders of Alternative Futures. Report Number 11, Centre for European Studies, Universitat Trier, 1993.

[15].       Richard Slaughter, “Towards a Critical Futurism”, World Future Society Bulletin, September/October 1984, pg 13.

[16].       Ibid, July/August 1984, page 19.

[17].       Feminist literature used for the article (besides books and articles already mentioned in other footnotes): Helen Roberts, ed., Doing Feminist Research, (London and New York, Routledge, 1990); Joyce McCarl Nielsen, ed., Feminist Research Methods: Exemplary Readings in the Social Sciences, (Boulder, San Francisco, & London, 1990); Ruth Bleir, ed., Feminist Approaches to Science, (Pergamon Press, 1988); Pamela Abbott and Claire Wallace, An Introduction to Sociology: Feminist Perspectives, (London and New York, Routledge, 1992), particularly chapter 1 (Introduction: the feminist critique of malestream sociology and the way forward) and 9 (The production of feminist knowledge); Zarana Papic, Sociologija i feminizam,(Sociology and Feminism) (IIC SSOS, Belgrade 1989), Jane Butler Kahle, ed., Women in Science,  (Philadelphia and London, The Falmer Press, 1985); Margaret Alic, Hypatia’s Heritage: A History of Women in Science from Antiquity to the Late Nineteenth Century, (London, The Women’s Press, 1990); Cheris Kramarae and Paula A. Treichler, A Feminist Dictionary, (London, Pandora, 1989); Maggie Humm, The Dictionary of Feminist Theory, (London, Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989).

[18].       Judith A. Cook and Mary Margaret Fonow, “Knowledge and Women’s Interests: Issues of Epistemology and Methodology in Feminist Sociological Research:, in Joyce McCarl Nielsen, editor, Feminist Research Methods, (London, Westview Press, 1990).

[19].       Margrit Eichler, “And the Work Never Ends: Feminist Contributions”,  Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 22, 1985, pages 619-644, from Liz Stanley, editor, Feminist Praxis: Research, Theory and Epistemology in Feminist Sociology, (London, Routledge, 1990).

[20].       Magrit Eichler, Non-Sexist Research Methods, (London, Allen and Unwin, 1988), from Pamela Abbott and Claire Wallace, An introduction to sociology: feminist perspectives, (London, Routledge, 1992) pages 208-209.

[21].        Kathy E. Ferguson, The Man Question: Visions of Subjectivity in Feminist Theory, (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1993).

[22].       Aminata Traore, “The South: A Joint Struggle”, in The Unesco Courier, September 1995, pages 9 and 11.

[23].       Christopher Dickey, “The Islamic World: Bride, Slave or Warrior”, in Newsweek, September 12, 1994, pages 13-17.

[24].       Zillah R. Eisenstein, The Radical Future of Liberal Feminism (Boston, USA, Northeastern University Press, 1993), page 3.

[25].       Ibid.

[26].       Linda Nicholson, ‘Feminism and the Politics of Postmodernism’, in Margaret Ferguson and Jennifer Wicke, Feminism and Postmodernism, (Durhan and London, Duke University Press, 1994), pages 69-86.

[27].       Patti Lather, Getting Smart, Feminist Research and Pedagogy with/in the Postmodern, (New York, London, Routledge, 1991), page 27.

[28].       Linda Nicholson, ibid., page 76

[29].       Ibid. page 85.

[30].      Fox-Genovese, quoted in Patti Lather, Ibid. page 28.

[31].       Mary Daly, GynEcology, The Metaethics of Radical Feminism, (Boston, Beacon, 1978, page 1), quote from Zillah R. Eisenstein, The Radical Future of Liberal Feminism (Boston, Northeastern University Press, 1993), page 18.

[32].       Eleonora Masini and Yogesh Atal, eds., The Futures of Asian Cultures, Bangkok, UNESCO, 1993, and Eleonora Masini and Albert Sasson, eds., The Futures of Cultures, Paris, UNESCO 1994.

[33].       Ann Curthoys, “The Three Body Problem: Feminism and Chaos Theory”, Hecate, 17(1), 1991, pages 14-21.

[34].       Donna Haraway, Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York, Routledge, 1991).

[35].       Anne Applebaum, “The Perils (yawn) of poor Naomi”, The Courier-Mail, Brisbane, Australia, October 18, 1995, page 15

[36].       Riane Eisler, “A Time for Partnership”, in The UNESCO Courier, September 1995, pages 5-7.

[37].       Ashis Nandy, Tyranny, Utopias and Traditions (Delhi, Oxford, 1987) page 13.

[38].       Sandra Harding, The Science Question in Feminism, (Milton Keynes, England, Open University Press, 1986), page 141.

Feminist Critiques and Visions of the Future (1998)

By Ivana Milojević and Sohail Inayatullah

Current trends

One does not need to be an expert to realize that wherever we look, either into our past or into our present, either within our local community or around the world, one fact remains almost universal: society always treats its women worse than it treats its men.

If current trends continue, women will continue to suffer from violence, poverty, malnutrition, legal and economical disadvantages well into the 21st century.  Women will continue to face more difficulties than men in many areas of life, mostly because our societies are still controlled by men and male values. The crucial spheres for “controlling” the future, politics, as well as most institutional and personal decision making processes, will remain out of women’s reach.

According to the United Nations’ future projections, women’s position will improve a bit, but even in the year 2200, women will be far from reaching gender equality.[1]  According to these projections, the percentage of world income received by women will increase from current 10% to 20% in the year 2025, and then further to 40% in the year 2200. The percentage of world property owned by women will increase from the “huge” 1% as it is today, to 3% in year 2025, and 20% in year 2200. In the year 2025, women will still outnumber men as poor (60%), illiterate (55%), refugees (70%), and sick (57%).[2]  Women can hope to still outlive men, as female life expectancy continue to be higher than male’s, although this is not because of our social and “human” efforts to help the disadvantaged, but in spite of them.

However, not all forecasts are pessimistic.  The American optimism of Aburdene and Naisbitt leads them to forecast a much better future for women. In their Megatrends for Women they conclude that we will reach a “partnership society”, fifty years from now, wherein “that ideal is realized in the developed world and actualizing in much of the developing world.”[3]  Before then, not only will there be a woman president in the USA (at the latest in ten years time), but women are changing the world in such way that the “New World Order is also a `New Order of Women’.”[4] In this new world, professional women will become role models for young women (instead of media stars and fashion models), and, in general, women will continue to assume leadership roles, transforming business, politics, health, religion and spirituality. The “Goddess is awakened” and “the balance has finally tipped in women’s favor”, say the authors. While Aburdene and Naisbitt are certainly right in their claim that women’s position in most developed societies has significantly improved, more realistic prognoses, especially those who have in mind the world as a whole, would be extremely cautious in predicting such radical changes in a relatively short time frame (50 years).

Futures studies

Although men and women have always had thoughts about the future, future studies – the systematic study of preferred, possible and probable alternative futures – is a relatively new field.[5] Since most futurists gained their academic training from other disciplines, futures studies is firmly connected with other contemporary social sciences, with their dominant theories and methodologies, and their general framework of knowledge. Therefore, it is to be expected that the field of future studies is burdened with a male-centered bias.  For millennia, men have been in charge of controlling the future so it is not surprising that they are seen as creators of everything that is “new”, radically different and progressive. Just one look at the futures studies field can make us conclude that “the only relevant futurists in the world are a handful of old white American men.”[6] There is also a general assumption in most societies that thinking about the future is not to be found within women’s domain. In general, women are traditionally perceived as conservers, while men as those leaning forward. This is well illustrated in widely accepted symbolic language, precisely in the symbolic representation of women and men. If we examine the male symbol we notice that its main characteristic is a pointed arrow, aiming towards the upright direction, which is also how we draw trends and movements toward the future on diagrams. On the other hand, the female symbol is represented with the circle and cross firmly rooted to the ground.

Elise Boulding explains the lack of women authors in her futures library by the fact that the “creative imagining work of women does not easily fit into the mold of the professional futurist” and that “women are more likely to encounter it in science fiction than in the `serious’ work of spelling our futures.”[7]  For Boulding, this is nothing else then “nonsense”, because “every woman with responsibility for a household is a practicing futurist.”[8] This is, of course, true, not just for women but for every human being, and precisely this ability to think about the future is one of the most distinctive characteristics of our species. But there is one very important fact which divides women and men when it comes to the future. The future most women envision is quite different from the future envisioned by, if not all men, at least their most powerful members. Frankly, it would be difficult to imagine societies run by women where the main effort would be in the “destroying lives industry”. Or societies in which women would considered themselves so utterly above nature that its destruction would not be connected with the destruction of our species and its future generations. Men’s appropriation of technology and its development from the male perspective has led to a general belief that all our problems can be resolved by it. Our most pronounced imaging of the future is still obsessed with technological forecasting, as it can be, for example, seen in science fiction. Men’s “colonization of the future” brings into our mind images the production of babies in factories; men driving spacemobiles and spaceships with women on passengers seats; the destruction of Gaia’s tissue and its replacement with man-made ones; an artificial ozone layer; artificial limbs, organs and even artificial brains; war games with even more powerful weapons and ever more powerful enemies; conquest of the old and new (aliens, cyborgs, clones, mutants or androgynes); and the further degradation of women by their cyber-exploitation, cyber-pornography and the creation of submissive women roles in virtual reality.

Colonizing epistemologies

Male colonisation of the future also includes futures methodologies and epistemologies.[9] Patricia Huckle, for example, stresses that much of future research methodologies is controlled by mrn and male viewpoints.[10]  She points out the male style in the use of “experts” and the way problems are chosen in methods like the Delphi technique or in scenario development. Women would not chose experts but would prefer small groups, working together in an egalitarian environment to solve agreed upon problems. She further claims that not only methods closer to “science fiction” (science-fiction writing is, as she points out, also quite different when writing from a feminist perspective) represent the male point of view, but that trend extrapolation, cross-impact matrices, quantifiable data for identifying alternative future, simulation modeling, simulation gaming and technological forecasting also “suffer from the limits of available data and ideological assumptions”. The questions asked, the statistics collected, the larger framework of knowledge remain technocratic, oblivious to feminist epistemologies and to issues central to women.

In addition, a basic assumption of futures studies, that future outcomes can be influenced by individual choices and that individuals are solely responsible for the future is problematic from a feminist perspective.[11]  While individuals having choice is certainly true at one level, this assumption must be put into a social context, reinforced with the concept of power and the availability of the choices. Otherwise it represents the typical Western and male way of looking at those enpoverished women bounded by tradition, family, society, economy or politics. In its bare form, it further assumes position of power, stability, democratic and a moderately rich environment. Unfortunately, for the vast majority of people the future does just happen to them.

There is also one very specific area in which many feminists see the most danger in having male-dominated future’s research and that is the area of controlled reproduction.[12] Man has been trying to control and dominate women’s participation in procreation at least since the beginning of the patriarchy, and current development of medical science might enable them to gain almost complete control over human reproduction. This would totally marginalize women, as they would be entirely removed from the reproductive biological cycle. Feminists argue that in this crucial area of future of the humanity and human evolution women’s approach is of extreme importance. This is so not only because these are women’s bodies and genes involved, but as well because women have been largely responsible for human reproduction from the beginning of our species’ existence.  Women’s identities have become to a large extent based on this biological history. Of course, cutting this responsibility could be by some seen as liberating for women’s destinies (by escaping childbirth and possibly childrearing), but what is worrisome is that it could further decrease woman’s say in what would be our common future.  Certainly rapid developments in genetics are occuring without women’s voices.  Intrinsic to science is male ideology.  For example, Bonnie Spanier argues in her IM/Partial Science: Gender Ideology in Moecular Biology [13] that even nongendered bacteria are described in gendered terms, often reinscribing dominant/subordinate relationships. Even the building blocks of life (and they are being transformed by new technlogies) are not immune from sexual ideology.

The most recent “developments” in cloning have enabled reproduction without one gender (for species where reproduction has traditionally required both genders). In this instance, in the case of first officialy recorded cloning of mammals, the redundant gender was male. But with the exception of two sheep (Dolly, the clone and the child of an adult female sheep) almost everyone else involved in a process was male. The very essence of cloning represents an achievement within the dominant scientific paradigm, one dominated by men’s worldview.[14]  What is remarkable is that while this paradigm is fundamentally based on control, domination and experimentation with nature and which results in millions of animals tortured and slaughtered, hundreds of thousands (or maybe more) fertilized cells and embryos destroyed, the only ethical question raised was: shall we clone humans too?

While medical science still needs women (their bodies, ovaries and uteruses), it is not very interested in women’s say about meanings and consequences of their research. With the creation of artificial womb, which is probably just a question of time, women’s role in reproduction will be decreased even more.

Furthermore, the new virtual reality technologies promise to further the objectification of women.  Women’s images and selves are being created and valorized in the mind’s of adolescent net-surfers. While the net allows women to play with their gender identities and possibly gives them many new opportunities, but is – with the male-design of the net – a place for the gathering of sexual harassers and pedophiles.

Thus the future portends a world where women will no longer be needed at all, creating the women-less real world and a women-filled virtual world.

Unfortunately, it is not only medicine and biology where women do not have control over the research agenda.  Women’s participation in science in general is still very limited, and so it is in the futures field.  However, this does not have to be so.

Futurist Eleonora Masini argues that women can create alternatives for future better then men because of certain individual (flexibility, rapid response to emergency situations, superimposition of tasks, definite priorities and adaptability) and social capacities (solidarity, exchange, overcoming of barriers). She also shows the impressive range of women’s activities in many social movements such as the peace, human rights and ecological movements. These activities will influence the future, less in terms of obvious revolution and more in terms of “an important, slow historical process of change”,[15] in creating a global civil society.

Feminist visionaries are also making an important contribution in making alternative ways of living and thinking, in describing the transition into this new era. But perhaps the most important contribution to thinking about the future is in feminist utopias. These utopias are both critique of the present and visions of alternative futures.  They contest traditional strategic planning notions of creating the future, since one cannot get to there from here – the framework for planning has to be changed. We have to imagine a different world, first.

Feminist utopias

As obvious from current trends it would take many hundreds, if not thousands of years to achieve most feminist goals. That is why some feminist authors like to “escape” into the utopia where boundaries are limited only by our ability to imagine new and radically different. Utopias can give us a higher sense of freedom, possibility and optimism. In general, people’s optimism tend to increase with the time frame of their prognoses. What is perceived as unreasonable to expect tomorrow, or next year, might happen in 5 or 10, or 50 years, because “anything can happen in that time”.

A common factor in feminist fiction is the questioning of current gender relationships by, for example, imagining the world in which there is more balanced distribution of power among genders. Some feminist fiction writers imagine a world dominated by women, or societies in which there is strict division by gender (women and men living separately), and further contemplate the consequences of such social organization. Others describe a world in which women’s subordination is brought to the extreme, societies in which women have hardly any rights in male-dominated societies, where they can be “kept” for sole purpose of procreation or for satisfying men’s sexual desires. These dystopias represent rather social commentary than a real vision, and definitely not a desirable future for women. Apart from questioning gender relationships, there are some other common places in most feminist novels.

As envisioned, future societies tend to live in “peace” with nature, having some sort of sustainable growth. They are, in general, less violent than the present ones. Families almost never take a nuclear form but are more extended (often include relatives and friends). Communal life is highly valued and societies are rarely totalitarian. Oppressive and omnipotent governmental and bureaucratic control are usually absent while imagined societies tend to be either “anarchical” or with a communal management.  The division of private and public sphere is also commonly challenged, by, for example, patterning society after the family, or by more fluid social roles, higher involvement and greater intersections between those two areas.

The present low status of women’s work is also often criticized and some traditionally “feminine” occupations are revalued and reexamined. In most feminist utopias, education and motherhood are, therefore, extremely respected, sometimes being the main purpose for the existence of the utopian societies. The majority of feminist fiction writers explore not only the way humans act and behave, but also concentrate on the meanings attached to them and how people feel about them.  Writers influenced by postmodernism focus on the disclosure of gender power relations as embodied in language, while others mostly focus on social and reproductive relations.[16] Of course, as there are many different positions in feminism, there would be many different images of desirable future societies.

The consequence is that gender relationships can be imagined in many different and radically new ways. While most traditional utopias tried to imagine future society which would be organized with accordance to human nature, often locking women into their “natural” roles and functions, contemporary feminist utopianism questions not only dominant sexual ideology but gender itself. The other main difference between fictions written from feminist perspective and those based on traditional notions about gender is that women are not pushed into ghettos and examined as one of many topics. In feminist writings, women are everywhere, being portrayed as “speakers, knowers, and bearers of the fable.”[17]

The most important aspect of feminist fiction novels is in message that alternatives to the patriarchy can exist and “that these alternatives can be as `real’ as our reality.”[18] They provide a variety of options instead of having only one, universal and rigid solution for the most important social institutions and activities, such as education, marriage, parenting, health, defence, government, reproduction and sexuality, division of labor and the work people do.

In many ways, feminist visioning corresponds with women’s reality, with life and work of unknown women of the world (which often tends to be local, sustainable, concerned with peace, growth, nurturing, service, helping others, and is children and less-abled centred), but is at the same time trying to question myths about women’s “natural” roles and activities. Its main function is to break and transform patriarchal social and cultural practices. It is extremely important to stress that feminists are very careful not to engage in a creation of definite, clear and rigid image of what our societies are supposed to look like. Most feminists are aware that no “perfect” society can be created, especially not based on ideas coming from the past. As Ashis Nandy notes “today’s utopias are tomorrow’s nightmares.”[19]  Most feminists are, indeed, aware that any rigid imaging could bring future societies in which gender relations might be “equal” but societies would definitely be totalitarian and absolutist. Lucy Sargisson claims that feminist utopias are in particular critical of approaches which emphasize perfection and the ideas that utopias constitute blueprints for the perfect polity.[20] Rather, they are spaces for speculation, subversion and critique, “social dreaming”, intellectual expansion of possible futures, and expression of a desire for different (and better) ways of being. Sargisson further points out that it is often common to find in contemporary feminist utopian literature and theory description of several worlds, sometimes contrasting, none perfect. These worlds, then, play rather speculative, meditative or critical roles rather than as instructions as to how to create a perfect world.  The search for perfection, as women know well, is often at the cost of the most vulnerable in society.  In this light, further described images, by two women futurist should be read: Boulding’s vision of “gentle” and Eisler’s vision of “partnership” society. They are both critics of present gender relations and they attempt to envision better (not best) worlds in the future.

Boulding’s and Eisler’s visions of the future of gender and society

Elise Boulding, peace activist and theorist, feminist and futurist, at several places articulates an image of the “gentle society” which would be situated within decentralist (and demilitarized) but yet still interconnected and interdependent world. While at the moment women are currently the “fifth world” (poorest of the poor) and are now and in history usually invisible, as the “underside”, she believes that we are increasingly moving toward some sort of androgynous society, which Boulding alternatively calls “the gentle society”.  Elise Boulding imagines this society as an exciting and diverse place in which “each human being would reach a degree of individuation and creativity such as only a few achieve in our present society.”[21] Future androgynous humans might have a fluid definition of what constitutes gender but that is not the main issue; rather the issue will be whether by institutionalizing opportunities for the education, training, and participation of women in every sector of society at every level of decision-making in every dimension of human activity, and extending to men the procreation-oriented education we now direct exclusively to women, we will set in motion a dialogic teaching-learning process between women and men that will enhance the human potentials of both.[22]

The creators of the gentle society will be androgynous human beings (she brings examples from history in the images of Jesus, Buddha and Shiva), people who combine qualities of gentleness and assertiveness in ways that fits neither typical male or female roles.  The coming of the gentle society will, according to Boulding, happen through three main leverage points: family, early-childhood school setting (nursery school and early elementary school) and through community.

Education will be very important, and much different than it is today. The role of the children in the society should be, in general, much more important, as children should not be secluded, the way they are today. Rather they would be spending time with adults and we would be able to find children even in government bodies. Every person in society should have some role in education of the young ones instead of transferring responsibility only to “official” teachers. The fourth leverage point will be the domain of contemporary declarations and covenants about human rights. The transition towards the future society has to be peaceful because no violent revolution can lead to the creation of the gentle society. Boulding believes that both women fiction writers and “ordinary” women imagine and work in a direction of creating a more localist society, where technology would be used in a sophisticated and careful way to ensure humanized, interactive, nurturant and nonbureaucratic societies. Through women’s triple role of breeder-feeder-producer women can bring radically different imaging and are therefore crucial for the creation of more sustainable and peaceful world.

Riane Eisler, macrohistorian, futurist and feminist, has articulated her vision about the partnership society in two influential books: The Chalice and the Blade and Sacred Pleasure. Eisler claims that throughout human history two basic models for social and ideological organization have existed. She names those two models as androcracy (dominator model) and gylany (partnership model). According to Eisler, the partnership model has existed in some prehistoric societies until it got swept by androcratic and patriarchal societies. Androcracy has been the  dominating model for millennia but our era is characterized by a renewal of partnership wherein a strong movement towards more balanced types of social organization already exist (most notably in the Scandinavian world). For Eisler, in this nuclear/electronic/biochemical age, transformation towards partnership society is absolutely crucial for the survival of our species.

In Gylany, linking instead of ranking is the primary organizational principle.  Here “neither half of humanity is permanently ranked over the other, with both genders tending to be valued equally. The distinctive feature of this model is a way of structuring human relations — be they of men and women, or of different races, religions, and nations — in which diversity is not automatically equated with inferiority or superiority.”[23] Androcratic societies have not only rigid male dominance, but also highly stratified, hierarchic and authoritarian system, as well as a high degree of institutionalized social violence, ranging from child and wife beating to chronic warfare. Since any society is going to have some violence, what distinguishes the partnership model from androcracy is lack of institutionalization and idealization of violence (the main purpose of which is to maintain rigid rankings of domination), and lack of stereotypes of masculinity and femininity. On the other hand in societies that closely approximate the partnership or gylanic model, we find a very different core configuration: a more equal partnership between women and men in both the so-called private and public spheres, a more generally democratic political and economic structure, and (since it is not required to maintain rigid rankings of domination) abuse and violence is here neither idealized nor institutionalized. Moreover, here stereotypically “feminine” values can be fully integrated into the operational system of social guidance.[24]

Traditional partnership societies were neither ideal or violence-free, but they were developing in a more peaceful and socially and ecologically balanced way and had, in general, a more egalitarian social structure. Today, due to many technological inventions, we, as a species, possess technologies as powerful as the processes of nature, continues Eisler. Since this is happening within the dominator cultural cognitive maps, humans have the ability to destroy all life on this planet. The realization of this fact “has fueled an intensifying movement to complete the shift from a dominator to a partnership model.”[25] This transition will not be easy as the forces of the androcracy are, and will continue, fighting back. However, only by accepting a partnership cognitive cultural map can we realize our unique human potentials. This cannot happen until relations between the female and male halves of humanity become more balanced. The alternative is, of course, dominator cognitive cultural map which will, “at our level of technological development lead to the human extinction phase, the end of our adventure on this Earth.”[26]

While some critics argue that Eisler’s work is overly simplistic, its importance is not its theoretical rigourness but in its ability to reread history and create the possibility of an alternative future – its gives new assets to women and men.[27]  Unlike postmodern writers, Eisler eschews detached irony, focusing instead recovering an idealized past from a male present and future.

Conclusion: A different future

When conceptualising the future of gender relationships, we need, however, to be aware that the gender might be constructed dramatically differently in the future. Feminists in their own ways are beginning to rethink the role of women by remembering historic myths (matriarchy, a cooperative golden era) but also by destabilizing categories like “women” and “men”, categories which were for millennia have been seen as fixed, natural, and in no way to be problematized.  This turn to postmodern futures, while important in undoing essentialist perspectives on gender, should not become an escape into virtual reality where the day to day sufferings of women throughout the planet is forgotten.

Most futurists agree that the future is not predetermined, at least in a sense that there is always some place left for human agency. However, feminist futurists are quick to point out that there is structural inequity in the world. Our visions of the future often reinscribe that inequity. Trend analysis, while letting us know the painful truth of women’s suffering if current conditions continue, does not open up the future. Feminist utopian thinking particularly the works of Boulding and Eisler provide not only a new vision of the future but a critique of the present.  The future is important to all of us – the more women participate in understanding and creating alternative futures, the more enriched men and women will be.

Ivana Milojević, previously Assistant at the University of Novi Sad, Yugoslavia, is currently living in Brisbane, Australia. Her education and interests are in sociology, women’s studies and futures studies. She has completed a book on violence against women, and is, in between taking care of two young children, trying to do research in the area of women’s futures and feminist utopias. She has contributed articles to The Futurist, Futures and various books, including the recently released, Futures Education Yearbook 1998 edited by David Hicks and Richard Slaughter. Most recently she has written: The Book of Colours and Love, a children’s book.

Sohail Inayatullah is senior research fellow at the Communication Centre. Queensland University of Technology, PO Box 2434, Brisbane, Australia. He is on the editorial boards of the journals: Futures, Periodica Islamica and Futures Studies and associate editor of New Renaissance. His most recent book (with Johan Galtung) is: Macrohistory and Macrohistorians (Westport, Ct. and London, Praeger, 1997). Released this year with Paul Wildman is the cdrom multimedia reader, Future Studies: Methods, Emerging Issues and Civilizational Visions (Brisbane, Prosperity Press, 1998).

[1].         George Kurian and  Graham T. T. Molitor, eds., Encyclopedia of the Future (New York: Simon & Schuster Macmillan, 1996), 400.

[2].         Ibid.

[3].         Particia Aburdene and John Naisbitt, Megatrends for Women (New York: Villard  Books, 1992), 326.

[4].         Ibid, 322.

[5].         Roy Amara, “Searching for Definitions and Boundaries”, The Futurist (February 1981), 25; Also see for a more critical perspective, Sohail Inayatullah, “Deconstructing and Reconstructing the Future,” Futures (March, 1990, Vol. 22, No. 2), 115-141.

[6].         James Dator, “Women in Future Studies and Women’s Visions of the Future–One Man’s Tentative View”, in The Manoa Journal of Fried and Half-Fried Ideas (Honolulu: Hawaii Research Center for Futures Studies, 1994), 40. For a more balanced view of futures studies, see Sohail Inayatullah, ed., special issue of Futures (Vol. 28, No. 6/7, 1996). Especially see essays by Elise Boulding, Riane Eisler, Vuokko Jarva, Eleonora Masini and Ana Maria Sandi.

[7].         Elise Boulding, The Underside of History: A View of Women through Time (Boulder: Westview Press 1976), 780. Also see, Elise Boulding, Women: The Fifth World (Foreign Policy Association, Headline series, 1980), 248. Elise Boulding, Building a Global Civil Culture: Education for an Interdependent World (New York: Teachers College Press, 1988).

[8].         Ibid, 780.

[9].         See, Ivana Milojevic, “Towards a Knowledge Base for Feminist Futures

Research”, in Richard Slaughter, The Knowledge Base of Futures Studies (Hawthorn, Australia: DDM Media Group and Futures Study Centre, 1996), 21-40.

[10].       Patricia Huckle, “Feminism: A Catalyst for the Future”, in Jan Zimmerman, editor, The Technological Woman (New York: Praeger, 1983).

[11].       See, for example, Geoffrey H. Fletcher, “Key Concepts in the Futures Perspective”, World Future Society Bulletin (January – February 1979), 25-31;  Richard A. Slaughter, Futures: Tools and Techniques (Melbourne: Futures Study Centre, 1995).

[12].       See, Susan Downie, Baby Making: The Technology and Ethics (London: The Bodley Head, 1988).

[13].       Bonnie Spanier, IM/Partial Science: Gender Ideology in Molecular Biology (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995).

[14].       Carole Ferrier of Hecate: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Women’s Liberation writes that the colonization is so deep that the cloned sheep was named after Dolly Parton. Personal comments, August 30. 1997.

[15].       Eleonora Masini, Women as Builders of Alternative Futures (Report Number 11:, Centre for European Studies, Universitat Trier, 1993).

[16].       Lucy Sargisson, Contemporary Feminist Utopianism (London: Routledge, 1996).

[17].       F. Bartkowski, Feminist Utopias (Lincoln, Nebr,. and London:

University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 38.

[18].       Debra Halbert, “Feminist Fabulation: Challenging the Boundaries of Fact

and Fiction”, in The Manoa Journal of Fried and Half-Fried Ideas

(Honolulu: Hawaii Research Center for Futures Studies, 1994), 29.

[19].       Ashis Nandy, Tyranny, Utopias and Traditions (New Delhi: Oxford

University Press, 1987), 13.

[20].       Sargisson, 1996.

[21].       Elise Boulding, Women in the Twentieth Century World (New York: Sage Publications 1977), 230.

[22].       Boulding, 1977, 230.

[23].       Riane Eisler, “Dominator and Parternship Shifts”, in Johan Galtung and Sohail Inayatullah, eds., Macrohistory and Macrohistorians (Westport, Ct. and London: Praeger, 1997), 143. Also see: Riane Eisler, The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future (San Francisco: HarperCollins Publishers, 1987); Riane Eisler, Sacred Pleasure (San Francisco: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996).

[24].       Ibid, 143.

[25].       Ibid, 148.

[26].       Ibid, 149..

[27].       See, for example, Kathy Ferguson, The Man Question (Berekely: University of California Press, 1993). In response, see Sohail Inayatullah, “Macrohistory and Social Transformation Theory: The Contribution of Riane Eisler,” World Futures (forthcoming, 1998).

Causal Layered Analysis (1998)

Poststructuralism as method

Sohail Inayatullah[1]

Causal layered analysis is offered as a new futures research method. It utility is not in predicting the future but in creating transformative spaces for the creation of alternative futures. Causal layered analysis consists of four levels: the litany, social causes, discourse/worldview and myth/metaphor.  The challenge is to conduct research that moves up and down these layers of analysis and thus is inclusive of different ways of knowing.

In the context of using poststructuralism as a research method, this article introduces a new futures research method – causal layered analysis (CLA). Causal layered analysis is concerned less with predicting a particular future and more with opening up the present and past to create alternative futures.  It focuses less on the horizontal spatiality of futures – in contrast to techniques such as emerging issues analysis, scenarios and backcasting – and more on the vertical dimension of futures studies, of layers of analysis. Causal layered analysis opens up space for the articulation of constitutive discourses, which can then be shaped as scenarios.  Rick Slaughter considers it a paradigmatic method that reveals deep worldview committments behind surface phenomena.[2]  Writes Slaughter, “Causal layered analysis … provides a richer account of what is being studied than the more common empiricist or predictive orientation which merely `skims the surface’. But because mastery of the different layers calls for critical and hermeneutic skills that originate in the humanities, some futures practitioners may find the method challenging at first.[3]

This article hopes to reduce the difficulties involved in understanding and using causal layered analysis by providing a methodological perspective to the context of critical futures research, namely, poststructuralism.

Causal layered analysis has been successfully used in a variety of workshops and futures courses in the last six years. It is especially useful in workshops with individuals either of different cultures or different approaches to solving problems.  It is best used prior to scenario building as it allows a vertical space for scenarios of different categories.

Some of the benefits of CLA are:

(1)        Expands the range and richness of scenarios;

(2)        When used in a workshop setting, it leads to the inclusion of different ways of    knowing among participants;

(3)        Appeals to and can be used by a wider range of individuals as it incorporates non-textual and poetic/artistic expression in the futures process.

(4)        Layers participant’s positions (conflicting and harmonious ones);

(5)        Moves the debate/discussion beyond the superficial and obvious to the deeper   and marginal;

(6)        Allows for a range of transformative actions;

(7)        Leads to policy actions that can be informed by alternative layers of analysis;

(8)        Reinstates the vertical in social analysis, ie from postmodern relativism to global ethics;

Causal layered analysis can be seen as an effort to use poststructuralism, not just as an epistemological framework – as developed by thinkers such as Michel Foucault – but as a research method, as a way to conduct inquiry into the nature of past, present and future.

Types of futures research

In earlier articles, among other mapping schemes,[4] I have divided futures studies into three overlapping research dimensions: empirical, interpretive and critical.[5] Each dimension has different assumptions about the real, about truth, about the role of the subject, about the nature of the universe, and about the nature of the future.[6] My own preference has been approaches that use all three – that contextualize data (the predictive) with the meanings (interpretive) we give them, and then locate these in various historical structures of power/knowledge – class, gender, varna and episteme (the critical).

Causal layered analysis is well situated in critical futures research.[7]  This tradition is less concerned with disinterest, as in the empirical, or with creating mutual understanding, as in the interpretive, but with creating distance from current categories.  This distance allows us to see current social practices as fragile, as particular, and not as universal categories of thought – they are seen as discourse, a term similar to paradigm but inclusive of epistemological assumptions.

In the poststructural critical approach, the task is not prediction or comparison (as in the interpretive) but one of making units of analysis problematic. The task is not so much to better define the future but rather, at some level, to “undefine” the future.  For example, of importance are not population forecasts but how the category of “population” has become historical valorised in discourse; for example, why population instead of community or people, we might ask?

Taking a broader political view, we can also query why population is being predicted anyway? Why are growth rates more important than levels of consumption? The role of the state and other forms of power such as religious institutions in creating authoritative discourses – in naturalizing certain questions and leaving unproblematic others – is central to understanding how a particular future has become hegemonic.  But more than forms of power, are epistemes or structures of knowledge which frame what is knowable and what is not, which define and bind intelligibility.  Thus, while structures and institutions such as the modern state are useful tools for analysis, they are seen not as universal but as particular to history, civilization and episteme (the knowledge boundaries that frame our knowing). They too are situated.

The poststructural approach attempts to make problematic trend or events or events given to us in the futures literature and not only to discern their class basis as in conventional neo-Marxian critical research.  The issue is not only what are other events/trends that could have been put forth, but how an issue has been constructed as an event or trend in the first place as well as the “cost” of that particular social construction – what paradigm is privileged by the nomination of a trend or event as such.

Using other ways of knowing, particularly categories of knowledge from other civilizations, is one of the most useful ways to create a distance from the present. For example, in our population example, we can query “civilization”, asking how do Confucian, Islamic, Pacific or Indic civilizations constitute the population discourse? Scenarios about the future of population become far more problematic since the underlying category of the scenario, in this case population, is contested. At issue is how enumeration – the counting of people – has affected people’s conception of time and relations with self, other and state.[8]

The goal of critical research is thus to disturb present power relations through making problematic our categories and evoking other places or scenarios of the future.  Through this historical, future and civilizational distance, the present becomes less rigid, indeed, it becomes remarkable.  This allows the spaces of reality to loosen and the new possibilities, ideas and structures, to emerge.  The issue is less what is the truth but how truth functions in particular policy settings, how truth is evoked, who evokes it, how it circulates, and who gains and loses by particular nominations of what is true, real and significant.

In this approach, language is not symbolic but constitutive of reality.  This is quite different from the empirical domain wherein language is seen as transparent, merely in a neutral way describing reality, or as in the interpretive, where language is opaque, coloring reality in particular ways. By moving up and down levels of analysis, CLA brings in these different epistemological positions but sorts them out at different levels.  The movement up and down is critical otherwise a causal layered analysis will remain only concerned with better categories and not wiser policies.  By moving back up to the litany level from the deeper layers of discourse and metaphor, more holistic policies should ideally result.

Central to interpretive and critical approach is the notion of civilizational futures research. Civilizational research makes problematic current categories since they are often based on the dominant civilization (the West in this case). It informs us that behind the level of empirical reality is cultural reality and behind that is worldview.

While the postmodern/poststructural turn in the social sciences has been discussed exhaustively in many places,[9] my effort is to simplify these complex social theories and see if poststructuralism can be used as a method, even if it is considered anti-method by strict “non-practitioners”.[10]

The poststructural futures toolbox

The first term in a poststructural futures toolbox is deconstruction. In this we take a text (here meaning anything that can be critiqued – a movie, a book, a worldview, a person – something or someone that can be read) and break apart its components, asking what is visible and what is invisible?  Research questions that emerge from this perspective include:

DECONSTRUCTION

Who is privileged at the level of knowledge? Who gains at economic, social and other levels? Who is silenced? What is the politics of truth?

In terms of futures studies, we ask: which future is privileged? Which assumptions of the future are made preferable?

The second concept is genealogy. This is history; not a continuous history of events and trends, but more a history of paradigms, if you will, of discerning which discourses have been hegemonic and how the term under study has travelled through these various discourses.  Thus for Nietzche, it was not so much an issue of what is the moral, but a genealogy of the moral: how and when the moral becomes contentious and through which discourses.

GENEALOGY

Which discourses have been victorious in constituting the present? How have they travelled through history?

What have been the points in which the issue has become important or contentious?

What might be the genealogies of the future?

The third crucial term is distance.  Again, this is to differentiate between the disinterest of empiricism and the mutuality of interpretative research.  Distancing provides the theoretical link between poststructural thought and futures studies. Scenarios become not forecasts but images of the possible that critique the present, that make it remarkable, thus allowing other futures to emerge. Distancing can be accomplished by utopias as well – “perfect”, “no”, or far away places – other spaces.

DISTANCE

Which scenarios make the present remarkable? Make it unfamiliar? Strange? Denaturalize it?

Are these scenarios in historical space (the futures that could have been) or in present or future space?

The fourth term is “alternative pasts and futures”. While futures studies has focused only on alternative futures, within the poststructural critical framework, just as the future is problematic, so is the past. The past we see as truth is in fact the particular writing of history, often by the victors of history.  The questions that flow from this perspective are as below:

ALTERNATIVE PASTS AND FUTURES

Which interpretation of past is valorized? What histories make the present problematic? Which vision of the future is used to maintain the present? Which undo the unity of the present?

The last concept – reordering knowledge – brings a different dimension to the future and is similar to much of the work being done in civilizational futures research.[11] Reordering knowledge is similar to deconstruction and genealogy in that it undoes particular categories, however, it focuses particularly on how certain categories such as “civilization” or “stages in history” order knowledge.

REORDERING KNOWLEDGE

How does the ordering of knowledge differ across civilization, gender and episteme? What or Who is othered? How does it denaturalize current orderings, making them peculiar instead of universal?

These five concepts are part of a poststructural futures toolbox.  There is a strong link, of course, to other futures methods.  Emerging issues analysis, [12] for example, at one level predicts issues outside of conventional knowledge categories but it does so by disturbing conventional categories, by making them problematic; it reorders knowledge. For example, the notion of the “rights of robots” forces us to rethink rights, seeing them not as universal but as historical and political, as hard fought political and conceptual battles. It also forces us to rethink intelligence and sentience – posing the question what is life? Thus, a futures method such as emerging issues analysis, conventionally used to identify trends and problems in their emergent phase, should not merely be seen as a predictive method; it can also be a critical one.

A civilizational perspective

From a civilizational perspective, it is crucial to explore the guiding metaphors and myths we use to envision the future. This perspective takes a step back from the actual future to the deeper assumptions about the future being discussed, specifically the “non-rational.” For example, particular scenarios have specific assumptions about the nature of time, rationality and agency.  Believing the future is like a roll of dice is quite different from the Arab saying of the future: “Trust in Allah but tie your camel” which differs again from the American vision of the future as unbounded, full of choice and opportunity. For the Confucian, choice and opportunity exist in the context of family and ancestors and not merely as individual decisions.

In workshops on the future outside of the West, conventional metaphors such as a fork in the road, the future as seen through the rearview mirror, or travelling down a rocky stream, rarely make sense.  Others from Asia and the Pacific see the future as a tree (organic with roots and with many choices), as a finely weaved carpet (with God as the weaver), as a coconut (hard on the outside, soft on the inside) or as being in a car with a blindfolded driver (loss of control).[13]

Deconstructing conventional metaphors and then articulating alternative metaphors becomes a powerful way to critique the present and create the possibility of alternative futures. Metaphors and myths not only reveal the deeper civilizational bases for particular futures but they move the creation/understanding of the future beyond rational/design efforts. They return the unconscious and the mythic to our discourses of the future – the dialectics of civilizational trauma and transcendence become  episodes that give insight to past, present and future.[14]

Causal layered analysis includes this metaphorical dimension and links it with other levels of analysis.  It takes as its starting point the assumption that there are different levels of reality and ways of knowing. Individuals, organizations and civilizations see the world from different vantage points – horizontal and vertical.

Causal layered analysis

Causal layered analysis is based on the assumption that the way in which one frames a problem changes the policy solution and the actors responsible for creating transformation.  Using the works of Rick Slaughter, P.R. Sarkar and Oswald Spengler,[15] I argue that futures studies should be seen as layered, as deep and shallow. Its textured richness cannot be reduced to empirical trends.

The first level is the “litany” – quantitative trends, problems, often exaggerated, often used for political purposes –  (overpopulation, eg) usually presented by the news media.   Events, issues and trends are not connected and appear discontinuous. The result is often either a feeling of helplessness (what can I do?) or apathy (nothing can be done!) or projected action (why don’t they do something about it?). This is the conventional level of futures research which can readily create a politics of fear. This is the futurist as fearmonger who warns: “the end is near”. However by believing in the prophecy and acting appropriately, the end can be averted.[16] The litany level is the most visible and obvious, requiring little analytic capabilities. It is believed, rarely questioned.

The second level is concerned with social causes, including economic, cultural, political and historical factors (rising birthrates, lack of family planning, eg). Interpretation is given to quantitative data.  This type of analysis is usually articulated by policy institutes and published as editorial pieces in newspapers or in not-quite academic journals.  If one is fortunate then the precipitating action is sometimes analysed (population growth and advances in medicine/health, eg).  This level excels at technical explanations as well as academic analysis. The role of the state and other actors and interests is often explored at this level.  The data is often questioned, however, the language of questioning does not contest the paradigm in which the issue is framed. It remains obedient to it.

The third deeper level is concerned with structure and the discourse/worldview that supports and legitimates it (population growth and civilizational perspectives of family; lack of women’s power; lack of social security; the population/consumption debate, eg.).  The task is to find deeper social, linguistic, cultural structures that are actor-invariant (not dependent on who are the actors).  Discerning deeper assumptions behind the issue is crucial here as are efforts to revision the problem.  At this stage, one can explore how different discourses (the economic, the religious, the cultural, for example) do more than cause or mediate the issue but constitute it, how the discourse we use to understand is complicit in our framing of the issue. Based on the varied discourses, discrete alternative scenarios can be derived here.  For example, a scenario of the future of population based on religious perspectives of population (“go forth and multiply) versus cultural scenario focused on how women’s groups imagine construct birthing and childraising as well as their roles in patriarchy and the world division of labor. These scenarios add a horizontal dimension to our layered analysis.  The foundations for how the litany has been presented and the variables used to understand the litany are questioned at this level.

The fourth layer of analysis is at the level of metaphor or myth.  These are the deep stories, the collective archetypes, the unconscious, of often emotive, dimensions of the problem or the paradox (seeing population as non-statistical, as community, or seeing people as creative resources, eg).  This level provides a gut/emotional level experience to the worldview under inquiry.  The language used is less specific, more concerned with evoking visual images, with touching the heart instead of reading the head. This is the root level of questioning, however, questioning itself finds its limits since the frame of questioning must enter other frameworks of understanding – the mythical, for example.

Causal layered analysis asks us to go beyond conventional framing of issues.  For instance, normal academic analysis tends to stay in the second layer with occasional forays into the third, seldom privileging the fourth layer (myth and metaphor).  CLA however, does not privilege a particular level.  Moving up and down layers we can integrate analysis and synthesis, and horizontally we can integrate discourses, ways of knowing and worldviews, thereby increasing the richness of the analysis. What often results are differences that can be easily captured in alternative scenarios; each scenario in itself, to some extent, can represent a different way of knowing. However, CLA orders the scenarios in vertical space.  For example, taking the issue of parking spaces in urban centers can lead to a range of scenarios.  A short term scenario of increasing parking spaces (building below or above) is of a different order than a scenario which examines telecommuting or a scenario which distributes spaces by lottery (instead of by power or wealth) or one which questions the role of the car in modernity (a carless city?) or deconstructs the idea of a parking space, as in many third world setting where there are few spaces designated “parking”.[17]

Scenarios, thus, are different at each level.  Litany type scenarios are more instrumental, social level scenarios are more policy oriented, and discourse/worldview scenarios intend on capturing fundamental differences. Myth/metaphor type scenarios are equally discrete but articulate this difference through a poem, a story, an image or some other right-brain method.

Finally, who solves the problem/issue also changes at each level. At the litany level, it is usually others – the government or corporations. At the social level, it is often some partnership between different groups. At the worldview level, it is people or voluntary associations, and at the myth/metaphor it is leaders or artists.

These four layers are indicative, that is, there is some overlap between the layers. Using CLA on CLA we can see how the current litany (of what are the main trends and problems facing the world) in itself is the tip of the iceberg, an expression of a particular worldview.[18]  Debating which particular ideas should fit where defeats the purpose of the layers. They are intended to help create new types of thinking not enter into debates on what goes precisely where.

Case studies[19]

(1)        The Futures of the United Nations

If we take the futures of the United Nations as an issue, at the litany level, of concern is news on the failure of the United Nations (the UN’s financial problems and its failures in Bosnia, Somalia and Rwanda).

Causes, at the second level in the UN example, include lack of supranational authority; no united military, and the perspective that the UN is only as good as its member nations.  The solutions that result from this level of analysis are often those that call for more funding or more centralised power.  In this case, the UN needs more money and power. Often, deeper historical reasons such as the creation of the UN by the victors of WW II are articulated as factors impeding structural change.

At the third level, the analysis of current UN problems then shifts from the unequal structure of power between UN member states to the fact that eligibility for membership in the UN is based on acquiring national status. An NGO, an individual, a culture cannot join the National Assembly or the Security Council.  Deeper social structures that are actor-invarient include centre-periphery relations and the anarchic inter-state system. They are the focus at this level.  The solution that emerges from this level of analysis is to rethink the values and structure behind the United Nations, to revision it. Do we need a superordinate authority or are market mechanisms enough to manage our global commons? One could at this level, develop a horizontal discursive dimension investigating how different paradigms or worldviews frame the problem or issue. How would a pre-modern world approach the issue of global governance (consensus, for example)? How might a post-modern (global electronic democracy)?

At the fourth layer of myth and metaphor, in the case of the UN, some factors that could lead to an exploration of alternative metaphors and myths include issues of control versus freedom, of the role of individual and collective, of family and self, of the overall governance of evolution, of humanity’s place on the Earth. Are we meant to be separate races and nations (as ordained by the myths of the Western religions) or is a united humanity (as Hopis and others have prophesied) our destiny?  At the visual level, the challenge would be to design another logo for the UN, perhaps a tree of life or a circle of beings (instead of just flags of nations as currently outside the UN headquarters).

(2)        UNESCO/World Futures Studies Federation course

While the previous example was logically derived, the following are based on actual futures-visioning workshops.[20]  A CLA was conducted at a 1993 UNESCO/World Futures Studies Federation workshop in Thailand on the futures of ecology, where the issue of Bangkok’s traffic problem was explored. Here were the results.

At the litany level, the problem was seen to be Bangkok’s traffic and related pollution. The solution was to hire consultants particularly transportation planners at local and international levels.

At the social cause level, the problem was seen as a lack of roads with the solution that of building more roads (and getting mobile phones in the meantime).  If one was doing scenarios at this stage, then there would be scenarios on where to build roads, which transportation modelling software to use.

At the worldview level, it was argued that the problem was not just lack of roads but the model of industrial growth Thailand has taken.  It is the big City Outlook that had come down through colonialism. The city is better and rural people are idiots. Wealth is in the city especially as population growth creates problems in the rural area.  The solution then becomes not to build more roads but to decentralize the economy and create localism ie where local people control their economy and feel they do not have to leave their life and lifestyle. Psychologically it means valuing local traditions and countering the ideology that  West is best and that Bigger is Better. New leadership and new metaphors on what it means to be Thai emerged as the solutions.

(3)        Faculty of Work, Education and Training, Southern Cross University, Australia

When used at a seminar to the Faculty of Education, Work and Training at Southern Cross University in 1994 on the future of enrolments, the results were as follows.

At the litany level, the problem facing the University was declining enrolments. University professors saw it as an external problem. It was believed that the government should do something about it, for example, increase the number of scholarships.

At the social level, a range of alternative positions were explored.  Among them that the faculty was too busy doing research, that there was a job boom and students preferred to work rather than sit in institutions. It could also be that the pool of students had declined, suggested participants. The solutions that result from this level of analysis are often those that call for more research to investigate the problem – or to create a partnership with industry.  A precipitating action in this case study was the changeover in government from Labor to Liberal, with the government seeing education less as a social concern and more in economic terms.

At the next level, we explore how different discourses (the economic, the social, the cultural) do more than cause the issue but constitute it, that the discourse we use to understand is complicit in our framing of the issue.  At this third level, participants discussed how conventional education no longer fits the job market and students’ experience of the world that they might get from community associations or high-tech TV.  The solution that emerged from this level was the need to rethink the values and the structure of the educational institution, to revision it – quite different from the litany level where the issue was more student aid or different than the second level where the solution was partnerships between the university, government and industry.

At this level, one could develop a horizontal discursive dimension investigating how different paradigms or worldviews (and related ways of knowing) would frame the problem or issue. How would a premodern world approach the issue of teaching and learning?[21] How might a postmodern?[22]

At the fourth level of myth and metaphor, issues that arose are: does schooling free us or is it merely social control? Should education still be based on the Newtonian Fordist model of the factory or is education about transcendence, the return to mission, the re-enchantment of the world?  At this level, the challenge is to elicit the root myth or metaphor that supports the foundation of a particular litany of issues. In this case, the metaphors used were that of the university as prison versus that the university as a garden of knowledge.  This latter root metaphor was then used to aid in the visioning process, of imagining and creating futures participants desire.

(4)        Senior Management, Southern Cross University

Later at the same university but at a workshop with senior management, the issue again was financial, this time a drop in funding for education from government. The solution that emerged from the social analysis (focusing on the history of the state and education) was to diversify the funding source, to ask where else can we get money.  This is in contrast to the litany level where the focus was on how to convince the government not to change its policy or to hope that the Labor government would once again be elected. At the discourse/worldview level, discussions revolved around the changing nature of education – on the decreasing importance of traditional education, and increased emphasis on skills for a global economy.  It was the change in worldview from knowledge as sacred, the idea of the scholar, and the idea of the scientist, to that of the education to create better skilled workers in a global competitive marketplace that became the focus of discussion. It was believed that it would have to be people that lobbied the government to rethink its educational policy, not just universities. At the last level, the issue became that of rethinking money and exchange as well as finding other ways to manage and fund a university.

Of all the many causal layered analyses done, this was the most difficult and least satisfying, largely because it was hard to see money in layered terms. It was nearly impossible to move outside the administrative-capitalist discourse – the jobs and futures of all in the rooms depended on that discourse.  In this sense, spending more time on emerging issues that might change the funding nature of the university (or on what-if questions) might have been a better approach. Still, some important scenarios were developed from the analysis: (1) the collapse of the university system in Australia; (2) a corporate/industry aligned university, (3) a virtual university (expanding its customers and reducing its overhead) and (4) a return to core enlightenment values.  These helped clarify to alternative futures ahead as well gain consensus on the preferred vision held by participants (a mix of a virtual university and core enlightnment values).

(5)        Queensland Advocacy Incorporated

The final case study was a seminar conducted on the Queensland Advocacy Incorporated, Australia, a systems advocacy organization for people with disability. The broad issue under discussion was the practice of housing people with disabilities in institutions.  At the litany level, the issue was framed as abuse and neglect within institutions. The solution by the state is often prosecution of offenders and the creation of better institutions for those with disabilities, said participants. The locus of action has been government with the media providing images of positive actions the state is doing for people with disabilities.

At the social causes level, it has been the anxiety and frustration resulting from an imbalance of power within institutional settings that has been the key issue facing the disabled. The solution is thus focused on the individual rather than the social structure, taking the form of therapy for individuals with professionals providing the solution.

At the worldview level, it is fear of difference and individualism that is the central problem. People with disability are “othered”, seen as separate from “normal” communities.  At this level, the solution offered was consciousness raising, a softening of individualism and a strengthening of community. The actors who could make this change are people with disabilities themselves – particularly through their various organizations.

Finally, at the myth and metaphor level, it is the story of inclusion/exclusion, of who is normal and who is abnormal that was paramount, said participants. The negative story is that of the cyclops – the image of the one fundamentally different from us thus to be feared and loathed.

The scenarios that resulted were: (1) society changes so that people with disability feel welcome, (2) genetic technology eliminates “disabilities” – a negative scenario for people with disability since this continues the location of their body in the space of non-acceptance; and (3) continued ghettoization with occasional feel good media-led campaigns.

Difference as method

While there are numerous other examples, hopefully, the above give an indication of the possible beneficial uses of CLA. The utility of causal layered analysis is that it can categorize the many different perceptions of realities while remaining sensitive to horizontal and vertical spaces. Often individuals write and speak from differing perspectives. Some are more economistic, others are concerned with the big picture; some want real practical institutional solutions, others want changes in consciousness.[23] CLA finds space for all of them.

The key methodological utility is that it allows for research that brings in many perspectives. It has a fact basis, which is framed in history, which is then contextualized within a discourse or worldview, which then is located in pre and post-rational ways of knowing, in myth and metaphor. The challenge is to bring in these many perspectives to a particular problem, to go up and down levels, and sideways through various scenarios.

Like all methods, CLA has its limits. For example, it does not forecast the future per se and is best used in the conjunction with other methods such as emerging issues analysis and visioning. It could lead to a paralysis of action ie too much time spent on problematizing and not enough on designing new policy actions. For newcomers to the futures field, it may dampen their inner creativity, since it categorizes reality instead of allowing for a free for all visioning. For others, it is too difficult. This is especially so for empiricists who see the world as either true or false (who insist on being right instead being located in layers of reality) or postmodern relativists who reject the vertical gaze CLA implies.  CLA endeavors to find space for these different perspectives.  It does not reject the empirical or the ideational but considers them both along a continuum.

In this sense CLA, while part of the poststructural critical tradition, is very much oriented toward action learning.  Answers are neither right nor wrong. Rather a dialogue that uses multiple ways of knowing is sought between the different levels. Interaction is critical here.  By moving up and down levels and sideways through scenarios, different sorts of policy outcomes are possible and discourse/worldviews as well as metaphors and myths are enriched by these new empirical realities.

Of course, if at a workshop, a discussion does not fit into our neat categories of litany, social causes, worldview and metaphor and root myth, it is important to work with the individuals to create new categories.  However, in general, these categories work because they capture how we think and categorize the world – they capture the differences that are us.

Appendix A:

The table below offers a systematic presentation of CLA as a method. It can be easily used as an overhead transparency.

CAUSAL LAYERED ANALYSIS

1.         CONTEXT

*          How one frames the problem, creates the solution

*          Language is not neutral but part of the analysis

*          Wisest inquiry goes up and down levels of analysis and across constitutive         discourses

2.         Horizontal Levels

*          Identification of Problem (what is the problem)

*          Associated Solution (what is the solution)

*          Associated Problem-Solver (who can solve it)

*          Source of Information of problem (where is the problem/solution textualized)

3.         Vertical Levels

*          The “Litany”  official public description of issue

Problem seems unsolvable or it is up to government or power to solve it

Little personal responsibility

Often appearing as News. Mediated by interstate system and conventional        accounts of reality.        Short term approaches. Government solves the problem.

*          Social Science analysis

Short term historical factors uncovered

Attempts to articulate causal variables (correlation, causation, theory and critique           of other theories)

Often State or monopolistic interest group has ownership

Solution often in Civil society in interaction with other institutions (values with     structures) – partnerships.

Often appearing as Op-Ed piece or in conservative journal

*          Discourse analysis/Worldview

Problem constituted by frame of analysis

Strong focus on genealogy of problem

Many frames: paradigms, mindscapes, discourses

Solution often in consciousness transformation, in changing worldview, in           rethinking politics of reality.

Solution long term action based on the interaction of many variables

Often appearing in fringe/peripheral journals

*          Myth/metaphor analysis

Problem constituted by core myth (unconscious structures of difference, basic    binary patterns)

Solution is to uncover myth and imagine alternative metaphors

Often appearing in the work of artists and visions of mystics

Solution can rarely be rationally designed

Notes

[1].         Dr. Sohail Inayatullah is Professor of Futures Studies, International Management Centres. He is also Professorial Research Fellow, Tamkang University, Taiwan and Visiting Academic at the Communication Center, Queensland University of Technology. Box 2434, Brisbane, 4001, Australia. Tel: 61-7-3864-4200. Fax: 61-7-3864-2252. Email: s.inayatullah@qut.edu.au Associate editor of New Renaissance and co-editor of the Journal of Futures Studies.

[2].         Rick Slaughter, “Developing and Applying Strategic Foresight,” The ABN Report Vol. 5, No. 10, December 1997, 7-15.

[3].         Ibid., 11.

[4].         See, for example, Harold Linstone, “What I have Learned: The Need for Multiple Perspectives,” Futures Research Quarterly, Spring 1985, 47-61. He divides futures into the technical, organizational and personal. Also see, Eleonora Masini and Karin Gillwald, “On Futures Studies and Their Social Context with Particular Focus on West Germany,” Technological Forecasting and Social Change, Vol. 38, 1990, 187-199. They take Linstone’s model and apply it historically to Europe and the US, seeing futures as going through technical, organizational and personal phases. See also, Zia Sardar, “Colonizing the future: the ‘other’ dimension of futures studies,” Futures, Vol. 25, No. 2, March 1993), 179-187. Sardar argues for a colonization/decolonization dialectic. The classic map of futures studies remains Roy Amara’s division into preferred, possible and probable. See his, Roy Amara, “The Futures Field,” The Futurist, February, April and June 1981.

See also, Clement Bezold and Trevor Hancock, “An Overview of the Health Futures Field”. Institute for Alternative Futures, Washington DC, 1993. 29 pages. Bezold adds a the plausible to Amara’s three categories.

[5].         Sohail Inayatullah, “Deconstructing and Reconstructing the Future: Predictive, Cultural and Critical Epistemologies,” Futures, Vol. 22, No. 2, March 1990, 115-141.

[6].         Sohail Inayatullah, “From Who am I to When am I?: Framing the Time and Shape of the Future,” Futures, Vol. 25, No. 3, April 1993, 235-253.

[7].         For the classical treatment of this, see Rick Slaughter, “Towards a Critical Futurism,” World Future Society Bulletin, July/August and September/October 1984 and Wendy Schultz, “Silences, Shadows, Reflections on Futures,” in Jim Dator and Maria Roulstone, eds. Who Cares? And How? Futures of Caring Societies, Honolulu, World Futures Studies Federation, 1988.  Rick Slaughter writes that “critical futures study is itself an approach to futures questions that arises from a deep understanding of the dysfunctions of the Western worldview.  This can seem threatening to those whose professional interests are bound up with … the industrial growth ideology. But, in fact, the analysis of dysfunctions at this deep level is only a ground-clearing exercise. Beyond this the task of exploring new domains of cultural possibility and potential.” See Richard Slaughter, “Developing and Applying Strategic Foresight,” 11.

[8].         See, Manas Ray, “India, Fifty Years On: Revisiting Modernity,” research paper, School of Media and Journalism, Queensland University of Technology, Research paper quoting Sudipto Kaviraj, “Religion and Identity in India” Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2, 1997, 331.

[9].         For the best discussion, See Michael Shapiro, Reading the Postmodern Polity, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota, 1992.

[10].       Postmodernists would reject the idea that deconstruction etc should be seen as a method. It is considered an anti-method, focused on problematizing not on providing recipes for policy.  Moreover, there are no practitioners of postmodernity, if at all, the episteme of postmodernity practices on us.

[11].       See, for example, the works of Ashis Nandy and Zia Sardar.  Short essays by these two can be found in Futures. Ashis Nandy, “Bearing Witness to the Future,” Futures, Vol. 28, No. 6/7, 1996, and Zia Sardar, “Natural Born Futurist, Futures, Vol. 28, No. 6/7, 1996. Also see the special issue of Futures on Futures generations thinking, which takes a Confucian approach to futures studies, Futures, Vol. 29, No. 8, October 1997.

[12].       Emerging issues analysis is a method which identifies issues before they reach the trend or problem phase. It makes the assumption that issues follow an s-pattern growth curve from emerging to trend to problem.  For more on this method, see the path breaking work of Graham T.T. Molitor, Public Policy Forecasting, 9208 Wooden Bridge Road, Potomac, Maryland 20854, USA.

[13].       See, Sohail Inayatullah, “The Futures of Communication,” Futures (with Samar Ihsan and Levi Obijiofor), Vol. 27, No. 8, October 1995, 897-904 and Sohail Inayatullah, “Futures Visions of Southeast Asia: Some Early Warning Signals,” Futures, Vol. 27, No. 6, July/August, 1995, 681-688;

[14].       Johan Galtung, “Enactment of a Universal Drama – Ethnic Conflicts,” New Renaissance, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1996, 13-15.

[15].       See Richard Slaughter 1989, “Probing Beneath the Surface,” Futures, October 1989, p. 454 (Slaughter offers the brilliant idea of different types of futures studies from the litany- based to the epistemological-based. Indeed, it was Slaughter’s presentation at the World Futures Studies Federation conference in Budapest in 1990 that I noticed that his division of futures studies into levels was more than a typology but a potential method). P.R. Sarkar (Shrii Shrii Anandamurti), Discourses on Tantra – vol. 1 and 2. Calcutta, Ananda Marga Publications, 1992 (Borrowing from Tantra, Sarkar argues that the individual mind is composed of layers. The first layer is the body, then the conscious mind followed by three layers of superconscious mind).  See, Sohail Inayatullah, “Oswald Spengler: The Rise and Fall of Cultures” in Johan Galtung and Sohail Inayatullah, Macrohistory and Macrohistorians. Westport, CT. and London, Praeger, 1997 (Spengler argues that reality should be seen as deep and shallow, not as truth or false).

[16].       The Club of Rome’s Limits to Growth and other studies is a modern example of this.

[17].       In Pakistan, for example, parking spaces are rare – parking as a regulatory discourse is not active there.

[18].       Most policy thus merely reinscribes the modern capitalist worldview. However, by noticing how a particularly litany is shaped by a particularly worldview, this allows us to enter alternative worldviews and articulate different policy statements based on them.  At the same time, CLA in itself is part of a worldview – one committed to methodological eclecticism but in the framework of a layered, post-postmodern view of reality. It thus not only challenges the “totalizing nature of the empirical paradigm” (to use Paul Wildman’s phrase) but as well the horizontal relativism of postmodernism.

[19] Five are presented but there are many more. Currently three doctoral dissertations are using Causal Layered Analysis as their research framework/method.

[20].     See, Sohail Inayatullah, “Teaching Futures Workshops: Leadership, Ways of Knowing and Institutional Politics” Futures Research Quarterly. (Vol. 14, No. 4, Winter, 1998), 29-36;

[21].       Perhaps: community learning, through more spiritual approaches that revive the ideas of initiation into meaning and culture systems that current educational institutions lack, wherein merely an application form suffices.

[22].       Perhaps: Focused on distant learning or interactive learning where boundaries between student and teacher, text and context disappeared.

[23].       For an exploration of these differences, see Paul Wildman and Sohail Inayatullah, “Ways of knowing, culture, communication and the pedagogies of the future,” Futures, Vol. 28, No. 8,  October 1997, 723-741.